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The ancient history of Rhodes closes with the Second 
Century of our Era. Its history thenceforward has not yet 
been seriously attempted, except that from 1309 to 1522 it is 
incidentally treated in works on the Knights Hospitallers. 

The great historian of the Knights is Bosio, Istoria del 
sacro militare ordme Gerosolirnitano, 1594 — 1602. He has 
directly or indirectly furnished the later historians with nearly 
all their facts : and he is seldom responsible for their fictions, 
which they have generally obtained from Vertot, Histoire des 
chevaliers hospitallers^ 1726. But Bosio did not use his 
materials accurately or critically or impartially ; and he had 
not access to much that is now at hand. In fact, anything 
approaching an authentic history of the Knights has yet to be 

The works dealing with the modern history of Rhodes are 
mainly compounded from histories of the Knights and from 
books of travel : and these books of travel are chiefly by 
archaeologists who despised mediaeval castles or churches, 
unless ancient sculptures or inscriptions had been built into 
the walls. Coronelli and Parisotti, Isola di Rodi, 1688, took 
their facts from Bosio. Rottiers, Description des monuments de 
Rhodes^ 1828 — 1830, obtained his drawings from one Greek 
and his facts from another ; and neither Greek was trustworthy. 
It seems necessary to point out once more that the monuments 
and epitaphs of the Grand Masters of Rhodes given by 
Villeneuve-Bargemont, Monmnents des Grands Mattres, 1829, 



are purely fictitious. Guerin, He de Rhodes, 1856, gives an 
account of a six weeks' tour in the island two years before, 
with some unimportant remarks on its history. Berg, Die 
Insel Rhodiis, 1862, was a painter; and his illustrations and 
his text are alike picturesque and inaccurate. Biliotti and 
Cottret, Vile de Rhodes, 1881, are deeply indebted to Vertot 
and Guerin : but the book is of bibliographic value as the 
first printed in the island. 

The scope of the present volume is this. The period of 
Byzantine rule ending in 1 309 is treated fully. The period of 
Turkish rule beginning in 1523 is not touched. For the 
intervening period the affairs of Rhodes are distinguished 
from the affairs of the Knights : for their history while at 
Rhodes involves that of all- Europe, and is moreover 
unintelligible apart from their earlier history while at 
Jerusalem and their later history while at Malta. The 
distinction is artificial, but necessary. And the affairs of 
Rhodes themselves are not treated fully, an immense mass of 
minor detail being neglected. Thus this volume is not in any 
sense exhaustive or final. Its justification is, first, that it is 
accurate so far as it goes, every statement resting on a critical 
comparison of the primary authorities : and secondly, that it 
goes further than any previous work on the subject, infor- 
mation being derived from new sources. 

The reason that certain early printed books are cited by 
name alone, is that they are not paginated. The Byzantine 
writers are cited by the volumes and pages of the Bonn 
editions, so far as these extend. 


19, Old Buildings, 
Lincoln's Inn. 



1. Public Affairs i 

II. Social Life 35 

III. Religion 64 

IV. Art . . . " 79 

V. Learning 91 

Index ......... 105 


Plate i To face Title. 

View of the city of Rhodes in 1483, reduced by one-third from 
the engraving by Erhard Reuwich of Utrecht printed at Mayence 
in i486 with Bernhard von Breydenbach's account of his 

Plate 2 To face page 86. 

Two painted tiles of Rhodian work : see pp. 85, 86. 

Plate 3 ....... . At end. 

Plan of the city of Rhodes about the year 1500, shewing the 
posts of the various Nations : for authorities^ see pp. 37 — 43. 
Map of the island of Rhodes about the year 1 500, shewing the 
chief villages : for authorities., see pp. 43 — 47. Map of the 
neighbourhood of Rhodes, shewing the islands held by the 

Note. S. Stephen's Hill should have been shewn on the Map of the 
island immediately to the West of the City. 


Public Affairs. 

The decline of the Roman Empire proved less disastrous 
for the islands than for the mainland, but it put an end to 
the security of Rhodes. After the great defeat of the Goths 
by Claudius Gothicus in 269 part of their fleet made its way 
southward to Crete, Cyprus, and Rhodes : but it was dis- 
persed by the Roman navy before it could cause any great 
destruction\ In 470 a body of Isaurians landed on the 
island and went about pillaging and murdering till they were 
attacked by the garrison and some of them killed, and then 
the rest hurried back to their ships^ It is generally stated 
that Rhodes was taken by the Persians under Chosrau Parwiz 
during their invasion of Asia Minor in 620. It may be that 
Abu-el-Faraj, who is the sole authority for the statement, has 
attributed to Chosrau in 620 the achievements of Muawiyeh 
in 653 : for in his Syriac version he places the capture of 
Rhodes next to the capture of Angora among the conquests 
of Chosrau, while in his Arabic version he places an imaginary 
capture of Angora among the conquests of Muawiyeh and 
omits the capture of Rhodes ; and again, although he duly 
relates the carrying off of the bronze of the Colossos by 
Muawiyeh in his Syriac version, in his Arabic version he 
omits this and tells a story about the carrying off of a vast 
quantity of marble from Rhodes by Chosrau ^ The island 
must have surrendered voluntarily, if at all, for the Persians 

1 Zosimos, p. 41. 2 John of Antioch, Fr. 206. 

' AbH-el-Faraj, Syriac version, pp. 100, no, Arabic version, pp. 158, 183. 

R. I 



had no force upon the seas : and it would have been brought 
back to its allegiance in the spring of 622, when the Byzantine 
fleet under Heraclios passed there on its way to carry the 
war into Persian Territory. Fifteen years later the conquest 
of Syria by the Saracens placed a new naval power on the 
Mediterranean, and in 653 their fleet captured Rhodes\ The 
Byzantine fleet was at Phoenicos in Lycia, some fifty miles 
to the east of Rhodes, during the next summer, and may 
have recovered the island on its way thither: but its utter 
defeat there in the autumn must have left Rhodes in the 
power of the Saracens until the peace of 658. Another 
account describes the loss of Rhodes as a consequence of the 
Byzantine defeat off Phoenicos : and another states that the 
Saracens took it just before the first siege of Constantinople 
in 672, and fitted out their fleet there for the attack on the 
capital ; and in this case the island would have remained in 
their power until the peace of 678. In 715 Constantinople 
was again threatened with an attack by the Saracens. To 
prevent this, Anastasios the Second determined to burn the 
enemy's fleet before it could start from Egypt and Syria : 
and accordingly he sent on to Rhodes a picked squadron 
with his guards on board, and ordered the rest of the By- 
zantine fleet to assemble there. The chief command was 
unfortunately given to an ecclesiastic, John the Deacon : and 
at Rhodes there was a mutiny, the guards murdering the 
commander and then sailing back to Constantinople to depose 
the Emperor and place Theodosios the Third on the vacant 
throne, while the rest of the fleet dispersed ^ The Saracen 
fleet sailed unopposed to Constantinople in 717, and captured 
Rhodes on the way^ : but its destruction during the ensuing 
year by Greek fire and by tempest must have restored the 

1 Theophanes, vol. i. p. 527 ; followed by Cedren, vol. i. p. 755, Leon 
Grammaticos, p. 157, Hamartolos, iv. 234, and others. Porphyrogenitos, vol. 
iii. follows this at p. 95, but gives another version at p. 98. Independently, 
Zonaras, xiv. 19. 

2 Nicephoros Patriarcha, pp. 56, 57, Theophanes, vol. i. pp. 590, 591, 
Cedren, vol. i. p. 786, Leon Grammaticos, pp. 171, 172, Ephrsemios, pp. 74, 75, 
and Zonaras, xiv. 27 ; all to the same effect. 

^ Abll-el-Faraj, Syriac version, p. 121. 



island to the Empire. In September 807 Harun-ar-Rashid's 
fleet made an unexpected descent on Rhodes : but the in- 
vaders did not succeed in surprising the city, and had to 
content themselves with ravaging the island and making off 
with their prisoners and booty \ 

When Rhodes was placed among the Roman provinces 
by Vespasian, it was presumably attached to the Province of 
Asia, which had existed for the last two centuries and was 
then a Senatorial province administered by a proconsul. 
The Province of the Islands, styled also the Province of the 
Cyclades or of the Cyclades Islands, in which Rhodes was 
the chief city, appears first during the reign of Diocletian. 
Under that Emperor the provinces were grouped in civil 
dioceses, and these again in praefectures. The Province of 
the Islands was naturally assigned to the Diocese of Asia : 
but by an exception the Praeses of the Islands, who ad- 
ministered it, was subject, not to the Vicar of the Diocese of 
Asia and through him to the Praetorian Praefect of the Orient, 
but to the Proconsul of the Province of Asia, who was 
directly responsible to the Emperor. On the division of the 
Roman Empire, the Province of the Islands passed with the 
rest of the Praefecture of the Orient to the Emperor of the 
East. In 385 the Rhodians were complaining that they 
could not always reach the judges of the province, owing to 
the risk and uncertainty of navigation during the winters ; 
and the judges were consequently directed to winter in the 
five most accessible cities in the province in rotation. The 
most important places in the province about 530 were 
Rhodes, Cos, Samos, Chios, Mytilene and Methymna in 
Lesbos, Petelos Telos), Tenedos, Proselene (the capital of 
the Hundred Isles near Lesbos), Andros, Tenos, Naxos, 
Paros, Siphnos, Melos, los, Thera, Amorgos and Astypalaea. 
It has been stated on the authority of a geographer who 
wrote between 350 and 353 that there were then fifty-three 
islands in the province, and that there was a judge in each 
of them. This geographer however does not refer to the 
Cyclades as a province, but merely as a group of islands ; 

^ Theophanes, vol. i, p. 749 ; Cedren, vol. ii. p. 36. 

I — 2 



and in face of the rescript of 385, which shews that there 
were then less than five judges in the province, his statement 
that there were fifty-three a few years before appears value- 
less. About 535 the Province of the Islands was placed 
with the Provinces of Cyprus, Caria, Mysia, and Scythia 
under the Quaestor of the Army. "The judicial appeals from 
these provinces were at the same timiC assigned to him : but 
in 537 the remonstrances of the Rhodians and others, who 
objected to taking long voyages to have their law-suits 
settled in countries swarming with barbarians, caused this 
rule to be modified \ On the formation of the Themes, 
or military governments, which superseded the provinces, 
Rhodes was assigned not to the ^gean but to the Cibyrrhaeot 
Theme. This Theme, which was formed before 700, com- 
prised the south-western portion of Asia Minor from Miletos 
in Caria on the west coast to Seleuceia in Cilicia on the 
south coast together with the islands of Syme and Rhodes. 
It was governed, like the rest, by a Strategos, or general : 
but in this instance there was also a Drungarios, or 
admiral. For several centuries no small share in the great 
maritime struggle between the Byzantines and the Saracens 
fell to the Cibyrrhaeot fleet, and in its achievements those of 
the Rhodians are lost^ 

The first army of Crusaders marched overland from 
Constantinople to Antioch in the summer of 1097; and on 
their way they recaptured for the Byzantine Empire the city 
of Nicsea, the chief stronghold of the Seljuk Turks who had 
then overrun Asia Minor. Some of these Turks had lately 
established themselves at Rhodes and had been fitting out 
ships there for piracy ; but the news of the fall of Nicaea 
followed by the approach of the Byzantine fleet seems to 
have frightened them away^: and in the autumn Rhodian 

^ Laterculus Veronensis (297 A. D.) ad calcem Notitiae, p. 248 ; Laterculus 
Silvii (385 A.D.) ibid. p. 258 ; Notitia Dignitatum (398 A.D.) pp. 4, 6, 45, ed. 
Seeck ; Hierocles, Synecdemos (527 — 535 a.d.) p. 395 ; Justinian, Code, i. 40, 6 
(385 A.D.), Novell 50 (537 A.D.). Also, Totius orbis descriptio, in the Geographi 
Grseci Minores, vol. ii. pp. 527, 528, ed. MUller. 

2 Porphyrogenitos, vol. iii. pp. 36 — 39. 

^ Anna Comnena, vol. ii. pp. 91 ff. Zonaras, xviii. 22; Ephrzemios, p. 151. 



merchant vessels were carrying supplies to the Crusaders in 
their camp before Antioch. Some of these vessels were 
burnt there by the enemy, and for a time the Rhodians 
abandoned the enterprise : but they recovered their courage, 
and their traders served as transports in the movement 
southward which resulted in the capture of Jerusalem in 
July I099\ On the 28th of October in this year a large 
Venetian fleet reached Rhodes on its way to Palestine. 
There had probably been a Venetian colony in the island for 
some years past, for Rhodes was among the places thrown 
open to Venetian trade by the Golden Bull of May 1082 : 
and perhaps this as well as the security of the harbour 
induced the leaders to lay up the fleet there for the winter. 
The Emperor Alexios, thinking there were already Crusaders 
enough in his dominions, used bribes and threats to turn the 
Venetians homeward : but Arrigo Contarini, bishop of Tor- 
cello, the son of a former Doge, who held the command 
jointly with Giovanni Michieli, the son of the reigning Doge, 
kept the other leaders to their purpose by his denunciations 
of the sin of turning back from a Crusade. Having failed in 
diplomacy, the Emperor next took fifty Pisan ships into his 
pay to attack the Venetians : and this fleet soon appeared off 
Rhodes flying the Imperial colours and cleared for action. 
The Venetians requested them to sail past in peace like good 
Christians, but the Pisans replied that they would sail whither 
they pleased and would force the harbour if they chose. 
Upon this thirty picked vessels from the Venetian fleet 
attacked the Pisans with such eff'ect that at nightfall twenty- 
two of their ships were glad to make their escape, leaving the 
rest with some four thousand men in the hands of the 
Venetians. The Imperial officials at Rhodes of course as- 
serted that the Pisans had acted against orders, and demanded 
the surrender of the prisoners to the Emperor for punishment. 
The Venetians however thought it better to retain thirty-six 
of the leaders to exchange for any of their own men who 
might have been captured and to set the rest of the prisoners 

1 Rudolf of Caen, 54; William of Tyre, vi. 9, vii. 21. 



free : and they gave them back their ships and their arms, 
merely exacting an oath that they would never again draw- 
sword except in the cause of the Cross and never again 
compete with Venetians in the trade of the Levant. It was 
not until the 27th of May iioo that the Venetian fleet sailed 
from Rhodes for Palestine\ In the spring of 1103 another 
Pisan fleet came out to assist Bohemund, who was holding 
Antioch against the Imperial forces. The Byzantine fleet 
overtook it just to the eastward of Rhodes, and by employing 
Greek fire was gaining some advantage over the better 
seamanship of the Pisans when a storm put an end to the 
action. The Byzantines ran for shelter to the little island of 
Seutlos, or Teutlussa, and next morning came in to Rhodes. 
There they put their prisoners ashore, and offered them their 
choice of slavery or death : and finally they killed them. 
Meanwhile the Pisan fleet made its way eastward^ The 
commercial privileges of the Venetians in the Empire were 
cancelled by Calojohannes soon after his accession in 11 18: 
and on this pretext the Rhodians refused to furnish supplies 
to the Venetian fleet in 1125 on its return from the campaign 
memorable for the capture of Tyre, although they had made 
no difficulty when this fleet touched there on its way out 
in 1 123. The result was that the gates were forced and the 
city was looted : the boys and girls were seized as slaves, 
and everything worth taking was carried ofl". Several out- 
rages of this kind caused the Emperor to restore the Venetians 
their privileges in August 11 26. In the autumn of that year 
the younf^er Bohemund was at Rhodes with his fleet on its 

way to the East^ Richard Coeur de Lion stayed there with 
the English fleet for ten days in 1191, sailing thence on 
May-day for Cyprus on his way to Palestine : and Philip of 
France was there in the autumn on his return^ In fact the 
Latins generally touched at the island on their way to the 
East, and recruited their forces there : and it was from this 

1 Translatio Alagni Nicolay, pp. 8, 9, ed. Cornaro. 

2 Anna Comnena, vol. ii. pp. 115 ff. 

^ Chronicon Altinate, v. 2 ; Fulk of Chartres, iii. 15, 41, 57 ; Cinnamos, p. 281. 
* Itinerarium Regis Richardi, ii. 27, 28; Benedict of Peterborough, p. 172. 


that the Byzantines obtained the notion of raising mercenary 
cavalry at Rhodes\ In 1204 the Crusaders took Constan- 
tinople : and while a Latin Emperor ascended the vacant 
throne there and the Greek Emperor set up his throne at 
Nicaea, the Byzantine governor of Rhodes declared his in- 

This new sovereign was Leon Gabalas, presumably a 
member of the Cretan family of that name which had long 
flourished in the Empire, and for twenty years he remained 
in undisputed possession of Rhodes. Although not expressly 
mentioned in the treaty of October 1204, Rhodes seems 
to have been assigned to Venice in the division of the Empire 
among the Crusaders : but the Republic made no attempt to 
capture the island for itself, nor did any of its subjects 
venture to attack Rhodes in exercise of that permission to 
seize the islands which led to the founding of Venetian 
duchies at Naxos and Crete and elsewhere. In 1224 John 
Ducas Vatatses, the Greek Emperor at Nicaea, passed the 
Hellespont with a strong fleet, and after reducing Lesbos, 
Chios, Samos, Cos, and the rest of the islands along the 
coast of Asia Minor, he crossed over to Rhodes and caused 
his supremacy to be acknowledged therel To the following 
years would belong the coins of Leon Gabalas describing 
him as the servant of the Emperor with the title of Caesar, 
which was then the fourth degree of rank at the Byzantine 
court and entitled its holder to wear green boots. But 
Gabalas resumed his independence, and in 1233 Vatatses 
despatched Androneicos Pal^ologos to Rhodes with a suf- 
ficient naval and military force to crush the rebel thoroughly : 
but an attack on Lampsacos by John of Brienne, the Latin 
Emperor of Constantinople, caused the expedition to return 
before its work was done*. Gabalas now asked aid from 
Venice, although a few years before he had commanded the 
Greek fleet in an action with the Venetian : and this aid was 

1 Cinnamos, p. 199. 

2 Choniata, p. 842. 

^ Nicephoros Gregoras, vol. i. pp. 28, 29. 

* Acropolita, pp. 49, 50; Nicephoros Gregoras, vol. i. p. 98; Ephrcemios, p. 328. 



grantedS On the nth of April 1234 a treaty was concluded 
by Leon Gabalas, who therein styled himself Caesar and 
Lord of Rhodes and the Cyclades, with Marsilio Georgio, am- 
bassador of the Doge Jacopo Tiepolo. Gabalas became the 
vassal of Venice, with a yearly tribute to Saint Mark of a robe 
of silk cloth embroidered with gold. If the Venetian Duke 
of Crete were to be attacked by the Greek Emperor or by 
rebels, he was to be aided by Gabalas with ships and men ; 
and if Gabalas were to be similarly attacked, he was to be 
similarly aided by the Duke of Crete : and full right to trade 
without payment of dues was secured for Rhodians in Crete 
and for Cretans in Rhodes. Gabalas and all Rhodians were 
to be under the protection of Venice in the Byzantine territory 
of the Republic, and were to pay only such dues there as 
they had formerly paid to the Byzantines : on the other hand 
the Venetians were to have a church, a Fondaco or warehouse, 
and a court of justice and a prison at some convenient place 
in Rhodes, and might trade there without payment of dues 
and employ Venetian weights and measures. If any Venetian 
ships should be wrecked off Rhodes, Gabalas was to protect 
their crews and cargoes. The treaty was ratified by the 
Doge in August 1234. When Leon Gabalas died, he was 
succeeded in the government of Rhodes by his brother John 
Gabalas, who seems always to have been a loyal vassal of 
Vatatses. While he was absent from Rhodes with his 
sovereign during operations against the Latins in 1248, a 
Genoese fleet touched there, probably on its way eastward 
to join the Crusade of Saint Louis, and managed to surprise 
the city by night. The Emperor at once sent off a small 
force under John Cantacuzenos, who effected a landing and 
occupied Lindos and Phileremos, the ancient Acropolis of 
lalysos, and held his own there against the Genoese until he 
was reinforced. He then blockaded the city; but without 
much effect, for the place was well provisioned: and next 
year, when its capture at last seemed probable, William of 
Villehardouin, Prince of Achaea, happened to touch there on 

^ Dandolo, vol. xii. p. 349, ed. Muratori ; Sanudo, vol. xxii. pp. 549, 554, ed. 
Muratori ; the treaty is printed by Tafel and Thomas, vol. ii. pp. 319 ff. 



his return from the Crusade, and agreed to support the 
Genoese by disembarking over a hundred of his knights. 
The Byzantines were compelled to raise the blockade and 
retire to Phileremos, where they soon ran short of food, for 
the knights held the open country and Genoese cruisers 
intercepted supplies from abroad. At last the Emperor was 
able to send a considerable fleet with three hundred cavalry 
on transports : the commander, Theodor Contostephanos, 
having written instructions (no doubt prepared by John 
Gabalas) as to the suitable places and seasons for fighting. 
The Imperial cavalry attacked the Latin knights when pil- 
laging outside the city walls and inflicted a crushing defeat, 
giving no quarter. The Genoese in the city still held out for 
a time : but finding that they could not stand a long siege, 
they came to terms with the Emperor and evacuated the city 
with all honours \ In a letter written in September 1250 
Frederick II of Sicily, Emperor of the West, congratulates 
Vatatses on his success at Rhodes^ It is not clear whether 
John Gabalas was reinstated in his government : in the next 
generation the Gabalas family is again heard of in Crete, and 
often afterwards in the Imperial service. 

The Latin Emperor of Constantinople was expelled in 
1 261, and the Greek Emperor returned thither from Nicaea. 
During the following years Rhodes, with other territory, was 
held by John Palaeologos as an appanage from his brother 
the Emperor Michael; and after his disgrace in 1271, it 
remained nominally under the direct rule of the Emperor. 
But the Genoese, as allies of the Byzantines, made use of its 
harbours in their piratical warfare with the Venetians in the 
Levant : and the Genoese corsairs, Giovanni dello Cavo, 
Andrea Moresco, and Vignolo de' Vignoli, who were succes- 
sively the Emperor's admirals, were practically the sovereigns 
of Rhodes; Vignolo making its harbours a base for his 
buccaneering expeditions to Cyprus. Yet these admirals 
failed to protect the island from the incursions of the 

1 Acropolita, pp. 92—95 ; Ephrsemios, pp. 346, 347. 

2 Printed by Miklosich and Miiller, vol. iii. pp. 72 ff. 



Turks from Asia Minor, who almost depopulated the open 
country \ 

In 1306 Vignolo suggested a joint attack on the Byzantine 
forces in Rhodes to Fulk de Villaret, the Grand Master of 
the Knights Hospitallers of Saint John of Jerusalem, who had 
been established in Cyprus since their expulsion from Palestine 
in 1291 : and on the 27th of May 1306 a treaty^ was made 
between Villaret and Vignolo for the acquisition of certain of 
the Byzantine islands, and particularly of Cos, Leros, and 
Rhodes. Rhodes was to be held by the Knights with the 
exception of two villages to be held by Vignolo, who was 
already entitled to one under a Golden Bull, and was thereby 
empowered to select another after the conquest. Leros and 
Cos, which Vignolo presumably held under some Golden Bull, 
were ceded by him to the Knights. One-third of the revenue 
of such other islands as might be captured was to be payable 
to Vignolo, the Knights receiving the other two-thirds. And 
Vignolo was to be Vicar, in right of the Knights and in his 
own right, of Cos, Leros and the other islands except Rhodes. 
It is significant that one of the witnesses to this treaty was a 
member of the great Florentine banking-house of the Peruzzi. 
The Grand Master fitted out two galleys and four smaller 
vessels, and on the 22nd of June he embarked at Limasol 
with thirty-five of the Knights and a considerable force of 
infantry. He sailed first to the island of Castel Rosso 
(Megiste) where he remained for a month while Vignolo 
sailed on to Rhodes to reconnoitre. On the admiral's return 
the fleet proceeded to the Gulf of Makri ; and thence two 
Genoese galleys, which had joined the adventure, went over 
to Rhodes on the chance of surprising the Byzantine garrison 
in the city. But their captains were arrested on landing, as a 
runaway Greek servant of the Knights had warned the 
commandant of the impending attack, and it was only by 
marvellous lying that they escaped. On their return the 
Grand Master crossed over to Rhodes with the whole fleet, 
and forthwith attacked the city by land and by sea. After 

^ Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 321, vol. ii, p. 344. 
2 Libri Bullanim, no. 11, folio 187 tergo. 



three days' fighting here, the fortress of Pheraclos, then in 
ruins and undefended, was occupied on the 20th of September. 
On the 25th the attack on the city was resumed, and continued 
day by day : but the Byzantines resisted so stoutly that the 
rest of the Knights were summoned from Cyprus. The 
important fortress of Phileremos was surprised on the 9th of 
November : a Greek servant of the commandant revenging 
himself for a flogging he had just received by leading the 
invaders to an unguarded entrance. The Byzantines claimed 
sanctuary in the chapel of the fortress : but three hundred 
Turkish mercenaries, by whom they had been reinforced, 
were put to the sword. The Knights now discovered that 
their resources were unequal to the capture of the city ; and 
for two whole years they made no progress. In September 
1308 they were reduced to sending envoys on board ships of 
the Byzantine fleet to Constantinople to request the Emperor 
to grant the city to them as his vassals on the tenure of the 
military service of three hundred of their number: but the 
Emperor refused the request and sent the ships back to 
Rhodes to assist the garrison \ In the summer of 1307 and 
again in the summer of 1308 the Grand Master had been to 
the Pope at Poitiers and had obtained large sums of money 
in Europe '"^i so that in the spring of 1309 he had twelve 
galleys from Marseilles, Genoa and Cyprus in his pay, as well 
as a large body of troops. At last a Genoese ship coming 
down to Rhodes from Constantinople with corn and arms for 
the city, which was now running short of supplies, was chased 
over to Cyprus by this fleet and was captured in the harbour 
of Famagusta. Her captain was employed to negotiate the 
surrender of the city ; and to this the people agreed on 
finding that their lives and property would be secured ^ The 
surrender took place on the 15th of August I309^ 

The Knights soon acquired the islands of Chalce, Syme, 

1 Pachymeres, vol. ii. pp. 635, 636. 

2 Pope Clement V to Philip of France, 27 Oct. 1308 : Pauli, no. 19. 

3 Francesco Amadi, Istoria del Regno di Cipro, fol. 143 ff : partly printed by 
Mas Latrie, Chypre, documents, vol. ii. pp. 681 ff. 

* Order of Fulk de Villaret, Stabilimenta, de Ecclesia, xvi. 



Telos, Nisyros, Cos, Calymna and Leros to the west and 
north-west, and the island of Castel Rosso (Megiste) away to 
the eastward: and they tried to acquire the islands of Carpathos 
and Casos to the south-west towards Crete, but retired on the 
intervention of Venice. These dominions they held as vassals 
of the Pope : but their estates lay scattered throughout all 
the countries of Western Europe as well as about the Levant, 
so that their policy was controlled by the sovereigns of those 
countries and belongs to the general history of Europe rather 
than to that of the Vatican or of Rhodes. 

The Popes and Grand Masters generally regarded the 
Infidels, in the old Crusading spirit, as enemies to be plun- 
dered and killed : while the Republics of Genoa and Venice, 
in the modern commercial spirit, held that although the 
aggressions of the Turks and the Saracens were to be checked, 
the trade with their dominions was to be studiously developed: 
and the Popes, failing to put down this trade, tried to regulate 
it by licenses. In the winter of 131 1 and 13 12 the Knights 
seized a Genoese galley that was trading with Alexandria 
without a license, and refused restitution to the envoy who 
was sent from Genoa to demand the vessel and cargo or 
their value. The envoy went off to the Turks, and incited the 
Seljuk lord of Mylasa to kidnap two or three hundred 
Rhodians who traded in cattle and provisions between the 
island and the mainland ; further offering him 50,000 gold 
florins (;^75,ooo) on behalf of the city of Genoa to join the 
Byzantines in driving the Knights out of Rhodes. At the 
same time three Genoese galleys, which' also traded between 
the island and the mainland, seized vessels carrying munitions 
of war to Rhodes ; and the city of Genoa refused restitution 
to the Knights \ For the next five years the lord of Mylasa 
and his son Urkhan were bafifled by the strategy and the 
diplomacy of Villaret^ But in 1320, when the Grand Master 
was no longer at Rhodes, a Turkish fleet of over eighty vessels 
came down thither. This was however driven off with loss 
by four galleys and twenty other vessels mustered by the 

^ Pope Clement V to the City of Genoa, 26 Nov. 1312 : Pauli, no. 25. 
2 Sanudo, Istoria del Regno di Romania, p. 167, ed. Hopf. 



Knights and six Genoese galleys which happened to be there 
homeward bound : and the allies then captured about five 
thousand Turks who had been landed on one of the islands in 
readiness for an invasion of Rhodes, and they killed the old 
men and sold the young as slaves \ The piracy and incursions 
of the Turks were checked by an allied fleet first formed 
under a treaty concluded at Rhodes on the 6th of September 
1332 for maintaining ten Byzantine, six Venetian and four 
Rhodian galleys for five years. It was proposed to maintain 
46 galleys in 1334, namely ten Rhodian, ten Venetian, six 
Byzantine, six Cypriot, and the rest Papal and French : and 
32 in 1335, namely six Rhodian, ten Venetian, six Byzantine, 
six Cypriot, and four Neapolitan. In 1343 twenty galleys 
were fitted out, six of them Rhodian, five Venetian, four 
Cypriot, one Naxian, and four Papal : and next year this fleet 
captured Smyrna from its Seljuk lord. The Seljuk lord of 
Ephesos proposed a treaty of peace and commerce in 1348, 
under which Rhodian, Venetian and Cypriot consuls were to 
exercise jurisdiction over their respective countrymen in his 
territory : but this treaty was never ratified by the Pope. 
By a treaty of the nth of August 1350 three Rhodian, three 
Venetian and two Cypriot galleys were to be maintained 
against the Turks for ten years : but by a treaty of the 22nd 
of March 1357 the same three pow^ers were to maintain only 
two galleys apiece for five years ; with a proviso that if Rhodes 
sent a third galley, Venice should also send a thirdl In 1365 
the Seljuk lords of Ephesos and Miletos were alarmed by the 
assembly of a large Crusading fleet, chiefly Cypriot and 
Rhodian, in the harbour of Rhodes : and sent offers of sub- 
mission and assistance, which were accepted ^ But this fleet 
had another destination, and on the loth of October Alex- 
andria was sacked and burnt. Although no lasting advantage 
was gained, Egyptian foreign trade was paralysed for a time : 
and in 1367 the Sultan of Egypt proposed a treaty of peace 
and commerce with Cyprus and Rhodes, under which those 

1 Giovanni Villani, ix. 120. 

2 Libri Commemoriali, iii, 264, 321, iv. 53, 149, 239, 260, 352, v. 225. 
^ Acta Sanctorum, 29 January, 1012, 1013. 



powers were to maintain consuls with jurisdiction over their 
subjects within his dominions. Venice and Genoa offered to 
mediate : but outrages on their citizens in Egypt caused them 
to join the Rhodians and Cypriots in hostilities against the 
Sultan, which quickly brought about an advantageous treaty\ 
This treaty was confirmed by another made between the 
Grand Master and the Sultan on the 27th of October 1403. 
Rhodian consuls were established at Alexandria and Damietta 
and at Jerusalem and Ramleh. Regulations were made for 
the trade of Rhodes with Alexandria, Damietta, Jaffa, Beyrut, 
Tripoli and Damascus : and for the journeys of pilgrims from 
Rhodes in Palestine^ The peace was broken in 1440 when 
an Egyptian fleet of nineteen galleys took Castel Rosso and 
then sailed on to Rhodes. Finding they could not force the 
harbour, the Egyptians anchored outside off Sandy Point; and 
they were promptly attacked there by a Rhodian fleet of ten 
vessels, mostly of smaller size. After a desultory engagement, 
the Egyptians sailed at dusk, closely followed by the 
Rhodians, who feared an attack on Cos : and next day there 
was another indecisive engagement off the mainland, after 
which the Egyptians made for Cyprus to ravage the Knights' 
estates therel Four years later a larger Egyptian fleet again 
took Castel Rosso and sailed on to Rhodes. This time the 
enemy landed at once : mooring their ships along the shore, 
and disembarking their siege train by gangways from the 
sterns. They built a camp near S. Antony's Church, and 
began to bombard Fort S. Nicholas and the City from this : 
and they very soon took the corners off the square towers and 
made breaches in the walls. Although reinforced by Bur- 
gundian and Catalan troops which chanced then to be at 
Rhodes, the Knights acted for a time on the defensive; fearing 
that an unsuccessful sally would embolden the enemy to ravage 
the open country : but when they found that the enemy 
meant to assault the city, they decided on a sally. At dawn 
on the 24th of August 1444 they marched silently out from 

^ LiVjri Commemoriali, vii. 425, 512. 

2 Libri Bullarum, no. 17, folio 172 : Pauli, no. 86. 

^ Libri liullanim, no. 39, folio 103 tergo : Pauli, no. 102. 



the Castle Gate, and formed outside with the spearmen in the 
centre, the archers on the flanks and the light troops in front : 
and then advanced suddenly with banners flying to the music 
of trumpets and drums and clarions at Fort S. Nicholas. 
The camp was stormed : and the Egyptians were glad to 
escape to their ships, abandoning their baggage and stores 
and artillery \ 

The Ottoman Sultan Bajazet reduced the Seljuk lords in 
the south-west of Asia Minor soon after his accession, and 
stopped the export of corn from the mainland to Rhodes and 
the islands : but he failed to expel the Knights from their 
castle at Smyrna. They were however expelled by Timur and 
the Tartars in 1402 : and Sultan Sulaiman prevented the 
building of a new castle there. But the Sultan said he should 
not interfere if the Knights built their new castle in the 
Seljuk territory: and accordingly they built the existing 
castle at Halicarnassos, about ten miles from their castle on 
the island of Cos. Constantinople fell in 1453 : and two years 
later, during negotiations for the freedom of commerce between 
Rhodes and the mainland opposite. Sultan Muhammad 
demanded tribute from the Knights. The Grand Master 
temporized, saying that he held Rhodes as the Pope's vassal 
and could pay tribute to no other lord, but offering at the 
same time to send a yearly embassy to the Sultan's court. 
Negotiations were broken off": the Sultan authorized private 
hostilities against the Knights, and the coasts of Rhodes and 
Cos were attacked by thirty privateers from the Seljuk ports 
opposite. Next summer a fleet of 180 vessels sailed from 
Gallipoli ; and after an attack on Chios, came down to Rhodes : 
but finding the city well prepared and a fleet in harbour, it 
made no attack on the island and returned homeward after 
some desultory fighting at Cos^ 

During hostilities between the Knights and the Sultan of 
Egypt, arising from an Egyptian attack on their estates in 
Cyprus, three Venetian galleys under charter to Moorish 

1 Joannes Germanus, Vita Philippi III Burgimdise ducis, cap. 41 — 45 Imprinted 
by Ludewig, Reliquiae manuscriptorum, tome xi. 

2 Ducas, pp. 28, 47, 72—74, 115, 116, 319—321, 324. 



merchants passed Rhodes in the summer of 1464 on their 
way from Alexandria to Tunis : and two of them lay to off 
the city and sent ashore for provisions and for a safe-conduct. 
The messengers were arrested by the Grand Master's order: 
and while the galleys were waiting in vain for a reply, some 
Knights rode down to the shore and signalled to the captains 
to come into harbour, since the Order was at peace with the 
Signory and no safe-conduct was needed. As soon as the 
galleys came in, they were attacked and overpowered by six 
ships under the Grand Master's orders, their cargoes were 
looted, and the Moorish merchants on board to the number of 
220 were cast into prison. The Signory took strong measures, 
fearing reprisals against the Venetians in Egypt and Barbary ; 
for the merchants had stipulated that the galleys were not to 
touch at Rhodes, and their loss was heavy, 24,000 ducats in 
linens alone, besides spices and other merchandize : and in 
fact all the Venetians then in Alexandria were imprisoned by 
the Sultan. The Venetian captain-general, Jacomo Loredan, 
received his orders at Crete on the 5th of November, and on 
the 8th he arrived at Rhodes with thirty-six galleys and sent 
a note to the Grand Master demanding the release of the 
Moors within three hours, the restitution of the captured goods, 
both Moorish and Venetian, and an indemnity. The Knights 
hesitated : and it was not until the Venetians had ravaged the 
island for two days and had ruined the Grand Master's garden 
and his castle at Villa Nova, that full restitution was made\ 

Hostilities with the Turks continued. The Sultan would 
have been content with a merely nominal suzerainty over the 
Knights, which would have secured Turkish commerce from 
their attacks ; but the Knights were not prepared to forego 
the revenue they derived from piracy and the slave trade: 
and at length he was forced to attempt their expulsion. A 
fleet was fitted out at Constantinople, while troops and stores 
were collected at the almost land-locked harbour of Marmarice 
on the mainland just opposite Rhodes : and to detach the 
Rhodian Greeks from their allegiance to the Knights, the 

^ Malipiero, Annali Veneti, pp. 614 — 618 : printed in the Archivio Storico 
Italiano, vol. vii. 



chief command of the invading forces was entrusted to Em- 
manuel Palaeologos, son of the last Despot of the Morea and 
nephew of the last Emperor of Constantinople. But for 
fully three years before the great siege of 1480 it was well 
understood at Rhodes that the invasion constantly expected 
since the fall of Constantinople and of Trebizond was now 
imminent. The new Grand Master, Pierre d'Aubusson, had 
repaired and strengthened the city walls, collected supplies, 
and called in the Knights and mercenary troops : and he had 
also prepared the castles of Halicarnassos and CoS; and 
Lindos, Monolithos and Pheraclos, the three chief castles in 
Rhodes, abandoning the rest. As soon as it was known that 
the Turkish fleet had sailed, the country folk came into the 
city and the castles, bringing their household goods with them. 
The barley was saved : and the corn, which was not yet ripe, 
was being hastily reaped in the fields round the city, when 
the watchman on S. Stephen's Hill sighted the fleet. Ever>'- 
one crowded out to see the sight ; and the whole city was in 
alarm and uproar as this fleet of a hundred and nine ships 
passed through the straits to ^larmarice : where it quickly 
embarked part of the army, and then bore down on Rhodes. 
On the 23rd of May 1480 the Turks landed unopposed at 
the mouth of a brook to the west of S. Stephen's Hill, and 
forthwith pitched their camp on its summit and slopes, while 
the siege engines were disembarked. This done, part of the 
fleet returned to Marmarice for the rest of the army, so that 
in a few days some seventy thousand men were encamped 
round the city. The fortifications were proof against any 
ordinary artillery : and at first the sole danger seemed to be 
that if reinforcements did not arrive, the enemy might wear 
out the little garrison and exhaust its supplies by a protracted 
siege. But it was clear that the enemy could not prevent 
ships from Europe running into the harbour under the westerly 
breezes of summer and autumn unless they captured Fort 
S. Nicholas : although, if they captured that, they could sweep 
the harbour mouth with its guns so that no ship could 
approach. The Turks, however, had an extraordinary artillery 
that no masonry could resist : particularly sixteen great bom- 

R. 2 



bards 64 inches in length, throwing round stone shot 9 and 1 1 
inches in diameter. Men then at Rhodes who had seen war- 
fare all over Europe had never beheld such guns : the city- 
was shaken by the mere vibration of the discharge, while the 
noise was heard at Castel Rosso seventy miles away. After 
two slight skirmishes, a general bombardment of the city 
began, S. Nicholas being the point most seriously attacked. 
This was battered by three bombards established in the 
gardens by S. Antony's Church at about 2C0 yards range ; 
and although this battery was promptly enfiladed by three 
guns which the Knights placed in the Garden of Auvergne, 
the tower was struck by about three hundred of the largest 
shot during the next six days, and would probably have 
fallen had not the rubble and mortar of the inner parts offered 
a better resistance than the large facing stones. To save the 
position, a rampart of stakes fronted by a ditch dug out in 
the ruins was formed round the base of the tower by a 
thousand men working day and night, the Grand Master 
himself coming in a small boat under a heavy fire to direct 
the work : a picked body of men was placed here, and 
another at the landward end of the mole to prevent the 
enemy from fording the shallow water there and cutting off 
this outpost; and the passage of the shallows was further 
secured by sunken stakes and planks studded with nails : 
while guns on the city walls and fireships moored by the 
rocks were in readiness to meet an attack by water. One 
morning at dawn some Turkish ships started from under 
S. Stephen's Hill under a westerly breeze, rounded Sandy 
Point, and bore down on S. Nicholas : but they were easily 
defeated, and soon sheered off with a loss of 700 men killed 
and many wounded and missing. The Turks then built a 
floating bridge of planks nailed down to trunks of trees, broad 
enough for six horsemen to fight abreast and long enough to 
reach from the western shore of the bay across to S. Nicholas : 
intending to haul it over by a cable passed through the ring 
of an anchor which they had laid down near the mole. It 
was not till they began to haul that they knew that a sailor 
had dived off the mole during the night and cast off the cable : 



and they had to tow their bridge over with rowing boats. 
They also prepared small boats to land men on the mole, 
and had thirty large war-ships and various ships of burden to 
support the attack : and so confident of success were they, 
that they had a new armament for the tower on their ships. 
Their second attack was delivered suddenly at midnight on 
the 19th of June: and the fight raged all through a dark 
night in the uncertain glare of fireships and flaming arrows 
till ten in the morning, when the Turks gave way. Their 
floating bridge and four of their ships had been sunk, and 
they had lost many officers of rank and 2,500 men : and 
henceforth they abandoned the attack on S. Nicholas. On 
the night after the first attack on the fort the garrison had 
heard heavy guns passing round the city, and since then 
eight of the great bombards had been battering the walls of 
the Post of Italy by the Jewry, while another had been 
battering the Windmill Mole and its Tower from the rocks 
to the eastward. And besides the general bombardment of 
the fortifications, mortars were day and night throwing up 
stone-shot which fell in the middle of the city, so that no one 
felt safe in his own house : but the women and children and 
the infirm were put under shelter just inside the walls, where 
these shot seldom fell, while the men managed to avoid them 
by day, and passed the nights in cellars and vaults ; so that, 
although many houses were destroyed, only a few people and 
some animals were killed. Nor was much more harm done 
by the better directed shot from two of the larger guns which 
were placed on some rising ground to the westward which 
commanded the city. Lighted arrows were also being shot 
in to fire the houses ; but firemen were told off to watch for 
these, and they extinguished them with success. Palaeologos 
now attempted to detach the civil population from the garri- 
son by offering them not only their lives and property, but 
the possession of the city and island with many privileges if 
they would effect a surrender ; threatening at the same time 
to butcher them all as well as the Knights and mercenaries 
if they refused. But these offers and threats failed. The 
Knights had shewn confidence in the people, summoning the 

2 — 2 



merchants and citizens, both Greek and Latin, to the council 
of war ; and the people in their turn fought bravely under the 
Knights. After this it was announced that the city was to be 
sacked and that everyone over ten years of age, who was not 
killed in the assault, was to be impaled ; and further that some 
8,000 stakes had been prepared for this. All this while the 
Turks had been constructing covered trenches to approach 
the city, and had been throwing up earthworks close to the 
walls. To meet this the garrison had constructed a huge 
mortar which threw stone shot into the earthworks and 
through the roofings of the trenches: and had ventured on a 
nocturnal sally, in which fifty young men under the command 
of a Knight had driven the enemy out of an earthwork 
opposite the Post of Italy. At this point the battering of 
the eight great bombards had almost filled the ditch with 
the ruin of the walls, and the Turks were constantly throwing 
in stone; so that, although the garrison attempted to clear 
the ditch by a tunnel carried under the walls, the summit 
of the ramparts could be approached on the exterior by a 
fairly easy ascent, while it was still some twenty feet above 
the ground on the interior and could only be reached by 
ladders. The houses behind this were pulled down to make 
way for a second line of defence, consisting of a ditch and 
a rampart fronted with stakes and basket work, which seemed 
likely to resist the shot better than masonry: the Grand 
Master and Knights, the merchants and citizens and their 
wives and children carrying materials on their shoulders and 
giving their money and property for this work, on which the 
safety of the city now depended. Casks of pitch and sulphur, 
and sacks filled with gunpowder and scraps of iron were kept 
in readiness here : and the Grand Master and his body-guard 
took up their quarters close by. Between the 19th of June 
and the 26th of July about 3,500 shot had been fired into 
the city, which was now so ruined that it hardly seemed the 
same place. On the 26th, the Turks prepared for the assault 
after prayer and ablution ; and collected sacks for the booty, 
and ropes for binding their prisoners. During that day and 
the following night 300 shot were fired in so steadily that 



it was impossible to repair any damage ; and no one could 
venture on the ramparts unless he kept well under cover 
and hurried down the ladders every time the watchman's 
warning bell announced that a gun was being loaded. The 
attack was delivered at dawn on the 27th, and in a few 
minutes there were 2,500 Turks in the Tower of Italy and 
on the ramparts by it, while 40,000 more were pressing on 
behind. They were already descending into the city, when 
the Grand Master came up with his body-guard and attacked 
them in front, while other parties of Knights attacked them 
on each flank : and then for two hours there was wild fighting 
on the ramparts before Rhodes was saved. About 300 of 
the enemy were thrown down into the city and there des- 
patched : while the rest fled in something like a panic to 
their earthworks, hardly resisting the troops that pursued 
them and cutting one another down in their flight till their 
losses reached 3,500 killed. Palaeologos at once struck his 
camp and began to re-embark his army and siege-train : and 
now ventured on nothing more dangerous than wasting the 
country and carrying off sheep. Meanwhile the garrison was 
burning the bodies of the Turkish dead for fear of pestilence. 
A few days later two ships from the West came into harbour 
after a sharp engagement with part of the enemy's fleet. 
They had been sent by Ferdinand of Sicily, and brought 
such news of approaching reinforcements that there seemed 
some hope of cutting off the invaders' retreat: but Palaeologos 
bestirred himself, and on the 19th of August the last of the 
Turkish ships sailed for Marmarice. During the siege the 
Turks lost 9,000 men killed and 16,000 wounded : the losses 
of the garrison are not known \ 

Next year Sultan Muhammad died, leaving two sons, 
Bajazet and Jem. Bajazct obtained the throne : and after an 
unsuccessful rebellion Jem took refuge with the Knights at 
Rhodes. The pretender's presence there greatly disquieted 

* The Grand Master d'Aubusson to the Knights, 28 May, Pauli, no. 125 : to 
the Emperor Frederick III, 13 vSeptember, Pauli, no. 126: to Pope Sixtus IV, 
15 September, Ludewig, Reliquize manuscriptorum, tome v. pp. 290 ff. Also, 
Caoursin, Obsidionis Rhodiac urbis descriptio. 



the Sultan and caused him to conclude a treaty of peace and 
commerce with the Knights, the essence of which lay in a 
supplementary agreement binding the Sultan to pay over to 
the Grand Master at Rhodes a yearly sum of 45,000 ducats 
for his brother's maintenance in royal state, the Grand Master 
undertaking to keep the pretender in his charge\ But the 
conquest of Egypt by Sultan Salim in 15 17 rendered the 
expulsion of the Knights from their position on the line of 
communications between Constantinople and Alexandria a 
matter of the first importance for the Turks : and as soon as 
Belgrade had been taken, Sultan Sulaiman prepared to attack 

Early in February 1522 news reached the Knights that a 
great fleet was fitting out at Constantinople ; and though its 
destination was uncertain, preparations for the defence at once 
began. The rebuilding of part of the city walls was quickly 
completed ; a new rampart of earth and timber was built 
along the Windmill Mole, and vessels laden with stones were 
sunk a little way off to the seaward of it; and a floating 
timber boom was laid out from the Windmill Tower to Fort 
S. Nicholas, in addition to the great iron chain stretching 
from the Windmill Tower to the Tower of France. Timber 
was brought over from the forests on the mainland. Guns 
and arms were put in order. The slaves were dismissed from 
the powder mills ; and for five months of the siege these were 
worked day and night under a strong guard by 36 free men 
and 14 fine horses from the Grand Master's own stables. 
Small corn mills to be worked by donkeys or by hand were 
prepared in case the windmills should be disabled. A large 
cargo of corn, obtained from merchants at Patmos, was added 
to the stores in the great subterranean granaries of the city ; 
and another cargo was collected in Greece and the islands by 
a vessel belonging to the Knights. Another vessel which 
they sent out for this purpose was however surprised by 
pirates ; a misfortune which hurt them the more in that it was 
many years since they had lost a ship. Their galleys at once 

Caoursin, de casu regis Zyzymy, de cclcberrimo fa-derc. 



went out in search of the pirates ; and at the same time invited 
the Christian corsairs to come in to assist in the defence : and 
many of these came readily enough. Meanwhile Antonio 
Bosio was sent to Crete on the delicate task of obtaining men 
and supplies without compromising the Venetian authorities 
with the Sultan ; and he succeeded in sending over fifteen 
vessels with cargoes of wine and some 400 soldiers concealed 
on board ; also in persuading the owner of a large Venetian 
ship, then loading with wine for Constantinople, to change his 
course to Rhodes ; and chiefly in inducing Gabriel di Marti- 
nengo, who was then stationed there in charge of fortifications, 
to join the Knights as soon as the siege began. The Venetian 
authorities confiscated their subject's property and offered a 
reward for his person ; but for this he was indemnified by 
admission to the Order with the reversion of a lucrative 
dignity. The captain of a large Genoese ship who touched 
at Rhodes on the 25th of April on his way home from 
Alexandria was also persuaded to join in the defence ; but his 
ship was sunk at her moorings by a stray cannon shot early 
in the siege. The garrison now numbered 600 Knights, 5,000 
citizens capable of bearing arms, 400 men from the fifteen 
Cretan vessels and some five hundred men from the ships. 
Each of the eight posts of the eight Nations was commanded 
by the Knights of that Nation ; and for each group of two 
adjacent posts there was a strong reserve under one of the 
chief Knights : four other reserves, each of 150 men under a 
Knight, were held ready for surprises ; and four similar bodies 
maintained public order. The Grand Master I'lle Adam (who 
was in chief command at the Post of England) went with his 
body-guard a hundred strong and his lieutenant's troop 
wherever his presence was needed. There were, besides, 30 
Knights and 300 men at Fort S. Nicholas. For work at the 
defences there were a thousand Turkish slaves and the country 
folk. Over a hundred of these slaves were one day killed by 
the garrison during a panic, and few of the rest survived the 
enemy's fire and the hardships of the siege. The country folk 
were called in during May, and brought their household goods 
and their sheep and poultry with them ; and the overcrowding 



of the city soon bred sickness. They might afterwards have 
saved much of the corn that was now ripening, but that the 
Grand Master would seldom risk them outside the walls now 
that the Turkish fleet was daily expected : they had saved 
the barley in April. The citizens were ordered to destroy 
everything that could serve the enemy for shelter within a 
mile of the walls, the Grand Master setting the example with 
his own gardens ; and one of the judges diligently polluted 
the wells. Besides the city of Rhodes the Knights maintained 
throughout the campaign only those five castles that they had 
maintained throughout the campaign of 1480; namely, 
Halicarnassos on the mainland, Cos on that island, and 
Lindos, Monolithos and Pheraclos in the island of Rhodes. 
The other islands were undefended ; but the Turks took 
possession of Telos and Chalce alone. 

On the first of June the Sultan sent a despatch from 
Constantinople, which reached Rhodes on the 14th, telling the 
Knights that they might hold their city as his vassals, or 
depart peaceably with their property, or be expelled by force. 
To this they made no reply. Six days later two or three 
vessels, which had been sent out a fortnight before to cruise 
to the northward for information, brought in news that the 
Turkish fleet was actually on its way to Rhodes and a great 
part of it already at Chios ; and that off Cos they had them- 
selves sighted thirty sail, which had made a descent on that 
island on the 14th, but had been driven ofl"with loss. On the 
17th these thirty sail had been sighted from the hill above 
Salacos ; and they remained cruising about within sight of 
Rhodes till the 24th, when they came over and landed men 
between Villa Nova and Phanes to burn the standing corn. 
The people who were about took refuge in the city and the 
castles, and the Grand Master would not risk any of his small 
garrison in a skirmish. At evening the ships sailed away to 
the Gulf of Syme to join a great fleet which had been sighted 
there during the day from the Castle of Psithos. At dawn on 
the 26th this fleet was seen from S. Stephen's Hill to be 
getting under way : and it crossed the straits to Sandy Point 
and anchored there. The thirty ships then went to the west- 



ward to intercept vessels passing between Europe and the 
city; and in the afternoon about eighty or a hundred ships 
sailed to Cape Bo on the eastern coast, where they were 
joined by the rest of the main fleet a few days later. As 
these ships went by the harbour in a long line, they suddenly 
took in sail and began rowing in towards the Windmill Mole. 
But the Knights had just left S. John's Church, and the whole^ 
population had poured out of their houses and were watching 
from towers and housetops and the upper streets ; so that all 
were quickly at their posts. And the enemy hoisted sail again 
on finding that the mole was held in force and that the city 
guns were opening upon them ; but several of their ships were 
hulled by the guns before they made their harbour. The 
whole fleet numbered nearly 300 ships and was afterwards 
increased by arrivals from Egypt and elsewhere ; and the 
invading army numbered about 200,000 men, some 60,000 of 
whom were miners from Bosnia and Wallachia. The fleet 
brought part of the army with it from Constantinople, and 
transported the rest from Marmarice after its arrival. A 
whole month was spent in transporting these troops and 
disembarking the siege-train and then in opening the trenches 
and constructing earthworks ; and it was not until after the 
28th of July, when the Sultan crossed from Marmarice, that 
the siege really began. Two great embankments, each 
starting about 250 yards from the walls, were pushed slowly 
forward, one toward the Post of Italy and the other toward 
the Bastion of Auvergne. Thousands of the workmen were 
killed by the city guns and also by the garrison in the few 
sallies that the Grand Master would risk ; but the works 
advanced till they reached the edge of the fosse and overtopped 
the ramparts by ten or twelve feet. The enemy then began 
firing down from these into the city ; and on the 22nd of 
August they carried the outwork in front of the Post of Italy 
by a rush from the southern embankment, but were driven out 
after a hard fight and lost heavily from the fire from the Bastion 
of England on their flank. For a fortnight before the Sultan 
arrived nine or ten guns had been practising against the walls 
by the Post of England, and on the 29th of July the general 



battering of the walls began. Some twenty guns on the rising 
ground by the windmills, which now opened on a weak point 
in the walls at the Post of Germany, were silenced by the city 
guns in ten days ; and the twenty others which opened on 
Fort S. Nicholas were silenced by the guns of the fort in about ' 
the same time ; and beyond this little was done on the 
northern side of the city. The whole force of the battering 
was expended on the walls on the south from the Bastion of 
Auvergne to the sea ; that is, the portion of the walls enclosed 
between the two embankments. A hundred pieces of artillery 
were kept steadily at work throughout the siege, and more 
were employed at times; the chief being 21 guns of 3 to 6 
inches bore for stone shot, 14 bombards of 9 to 11 inches bore 
also for stone shot, and 27 guns for iron shot. The Knights 
thought that the walls might be breached at the Post of Italy, 
where they had been breached in 1480, and the Grand 
Master left his Palace and took up his quarters there. And 
the walls very soon were breached there ; but they were 
breached as badly at the Posts of Provence, of England and 
of Arragon ; and the Grand Master removed to the Bastion 
of England to be in the centre of the threatened district. 
Retrenchments were begun behind each of the four breaches, 
and the houses near were loopholed for musketry. The Turks 
now aided their artillery by mining. Forty-five mines were 
made under immense difficulties from the influx of water at 
some places and the hardness of the rock in others ; and 
although thirty-two of these were met by countermines, the 
rest were sufficiently successful. The first was fired on the 
4th of September at the breach of England, and destroyed the 
walls for a space of about twelve yards. The enemy rushed 
in over the ruins that had fallen into the fosse ; and would 
have taken the city, had not the retrenchment, which was 
finished only the night before, resisted the explosion. This 
checked them and gave the garrison time to rally ; and after 
two hours hard fighting they were driven out with loss. 
P'ive days later another mine widened the breach by a couple 
of yards, and there was a similar fight. In the next fortnight 
six other mines were fired, two at the breach of Arragon, one 



at the breach of Provence, another at the breach of England, 
and two by the Bastion of Auvergne ; and the explosion of 
each mine was followed by an assault. All the four breaches 
were assaulted at once on the 24th of September, the harbour 
being at the same time threatened by the fleet; and the breach 
of Arragon was carried and held by the enemy for three 
hours : but in the end they were defeated at every point and 
lost altogether about 15,000 killed and wounded. This was 
the greatest attack of the whole siege ; and the Sultan had 
posted himself in a watch tower made of ships' masts and 
yards to be a witness of the expected victory. After this ill 
success the siege operations flagged for some days ; and 
Mustafa Pasha who had hitherto directed them was made 
Governor of Cairo, and the chief command passed to Ahmad 
Pasha. On the ist, 2nd, and 3rd of October there were three 
assaults on the Post of England, and two more on the 12th and 
13th ; all without success. But on the loth the enemy gained^^/^ 
that advantage at the Post of Arragon which eventually gave 
them the city. After silencing nearly all the guns there by a 
terrific battering, they approached by covered trenches, send- 
ing in men to disable the remaining guns and throwing up an 
earthwork to intercept the flanking fire from the Bastion of 
Auvergne ; and thus they reached the Barbican, which had 
been abandoned by the garrison as untenable. They lost 
heavily there from the fire and gunpowder that was thrown 
down on to them from the walls, but they protected them- 
selves by a pallisade covered with ox-hide, and fresh men 
were constantly sent in ; and the garrison w^as too far reduced 
in number to attempt to drive them out. Unfortunately the 
fosse had been cleared of the ruins of the breach, partly to 
render the breach itself less accessible on the outside and 
partly to supply materials for new works within ; and the 
lower part of the wall was consequently exposed to the 
pickaxes of the enemy in the Barbican. They tried to blow 
it up, and then to haul it down with cables ; and finally they 
battered it with artillery until at the end of October there was 
a breach 1 50 feet wide through which thirty or forty horsemen 
might ride abreast into the city. Meanwhile a new work had 



been built 200 feet within the wall and parallel to it, and two 
other new works connected this with the wall on either side 
of the breach ; so that if the enemy entered they would be 
exposed to a fire in front and on both flanks from these 
works, and also to a plunging fire from three guns mounted 
on the two windmills near the Bastion of England. But the 
enemy's artillery began firing through the breach into the 
new works, while troops were pushed in by covered trenches 
into the space between them ; and by the 14th of November 
the Turks were fairly established inside the city, and for the 
remaining 36 days of the siege their further advance was 
stopped by the new works alone. On the 14th the Grand 
Master removed here, and remained here till the end ; and he 
now began spending the treasure of 40,000 ducats, which the 
Grand Master d'Aubusson had bequeathed for use in the last 
extremity, in destroying the houses behind the new works 
and building trenches across the streets. But the breach of 
Italy was by this time hardly less dangerous ; and the 
construction of new works here like those behind the breach 
of Arragon was rendered almost impossible by the growing 
want of workmen and of materials. This breach was assaulted 
on the 22nd and the 29th of November, each time without 
success ; and on the 29th the breach of Arragon was assaulted 
at the same time. The Turks were slaughtered by the cross 
fire from the new works and the windmills ; torrents of rain 
damped their powder, and at last washed down the earthwork 
which protected their left flank from the guns in the Bastion 
of Auvergne; and their loss was immense. This was the 
fifteenth and last serious engagement during the siege ; and 
in each of the fifteen the garrison had been the victors. 
While the walls had been thus attacked, the interior of the 
city had been steadily bombarded by twelve mortars of 7 or 8 
inches bore ; and it was reckoned that in the first month after 
the Sultan's arrival over 1,700 shot had been thrown in. 
These were all stone shot, except a very few hollow copper 
balls containing bullets packed in sulphur, etc., which killed as 
much by the smoke and smell as by the bullets, when they 
burst on falling; but generally they did not go off. The 



stone shot destroyed many buildings; but caused little loss of 
life, for a watchman on the roof of S. John's Church rang a 
special warning bell whenever he saw a mortar being loaded, 
and so gave people time to get out of the way. The great ' 
bell of S. John's called out all the people at the first alarm of 
an assault ; and they aided the combatants by throwing down 
sulphur, Greek fire, boiling oil and seething pitch on to the 
enemy, while the old men and children and the women threw 
stones or hot water. 

But by the beginning of December Rhodes was practically 
lost. Three thousand of the garrison had been killed, including 
230 of the Knights ; and only 1,500 of the remainder were fit 
for service at all, and these were so demoralized that they 
could only be kept at their posts by high pay or by the hang- 
ing of a truant for an example. The slaves and the work- 
people were mostly killed or disabled ; so that it was im- 
possible to move guns from point to point, or to build new 
works behind the breaches, even if there had been any 
materials for this. The ammunition would be exhausted by 
one more engagement ; and the want of supplies was being 
felt more and more every day. Moreover the five castles had 
been gradually drained of men and stores since the middle of 
October to prolong the defence of the city ; and they could 
no longer resist an attack. And reinforcements from the 
West could hardly make their way through the winter storms. 
On the other hand the Turks were established at Phileremos, 
which they had fortified : and although they had lost 44,000 
men killed and 40,000 to 50,000 more dead from disease, they 
could always bring up fresh troops ; and in fact they were 
reinforced before this by about 5,000 Mamelukes and Nubians 
from Egypt, and afterwards by 13,000 to 15,000 Janizaries. 
And the discontent of the troops at being sent to besiege 
Rhodes instead of to plunder Italy, which at one time 
threatened to break up the invading army, had been quelled 
by the Sultan's presence. But although Rhodes was now 
practically taken, it was more to the Sultan's interest to 
acquire the city intact with its commercial population than 
to indulge his troops in pillage and massacre. The Greek 



citizens were accordingly given to understand that it was not 
against them that the Sultan, the Emperor of the Greeks, was 
fighting ; while the Latin citizens were approached by a 
Genoese, who tried to open communications with a Genoese 
merchant residing in the city. The Grand Master forbade all 
parley on pain of death, and one of the Knights sent a 
cannon shot after the Genoese envoy ; but a capitulation was 
everywhere discussed. The Greek Metropolitan and some of 
the chief Knights had to tell the Grand Master that his resolve 
to fall fighting in the breach might be thwarted by a 
surrender of the city by the citizens themselves ; and the 
same thing was hinted in a petition to the Council from a 
dozen of the principal merchants, formally requesting the 
Grand Master either to make terms with the Sultan or to 
permit them to send away their wives and children. More- 
over the Knights in command of the gunners and the sappers 
both stated that the city was lost, and advised capitulation ; 
and in this many other Knights concurred. And so it came 
about that at a full council of the Knights and the citizens, 
capitulation was proposed and declared by the Grand Master 
to be agreed to unanimously. This council had before it a 
letter, purporting to be from the Sultan, which stated that if 
the city were surrendered the Knights and the citizens might 
leave in safety with their goods ; and a Knight and a Latin 
citizen were forthwith sent out to Ahmad to accept these 
terms and arrange a truce, two Turks being sent in as 
hostages. These Envoys were next day received by the 
Sultan, who disowned the letter but offered the same terms. 
During the negotiations the truce was broken by a French 
Knight who fired a cannon shot into a crowd of Turks near 
the walls. Ahmad replied by an assault on the breach of 
Arragon, which was repulsed, and afterwards sent in two or 
three prisoners with their noses and ears and fingers cut off. 
The hint was taken ; and on Saturday afternoon the 20th of 
December the capitulation was signed. 

The terms were these ; — That the Knights should evacuate 
the city of Rhodes and the five castles of Halicarnassos, Cos, 
Lindos, Monolithos and Pheraclos within twelve days ; that 



they might take their arms and property with them ; and 
that their ships should be provisioned by the Sultan for the 
passage to Crete. That those of the people who wished 
might leave Rhodes then or at any time within the next three 
years with all their property : that none should be expelled : 
and as for those who remained, that they should be exempt 
from all tribute for the next five years ; that their children 
should be for ever exempt from conscription for the 
Janizaries ; and that they might freely exercise Christian wor- 
ship, repairing their old churches or building new. An inde- 
pendent ratification of the treaty thus made with the Knights 
was obtained from the Sultan by two citizens, a Latin and a 
Greek, on behalf of the people ; and of the fifty hostages given 
for its execution, half were Knights and half citizens. Under 
these terms the country folk nearly all remained ; but of the 
citizens barely a half, and those mostly Greeks. These 
nearly all died from a pestilence the next year. Probably the 
people had been little impoverished ; for the siege cost the 
Order 130,000 ducats, and all this money must have been 
spent in the city. The churches in and around the city and 
the castles were all made mosques ; but otherwise the treaty 
was observed. 

The Turkish soldiers were ill-satisfied by a largess of some 
40,000 ducats in lieu of the loot of Rhodes ; and on 
Christmas-day they forced their way into the city and were 
busy sacking it before they could be recalled by their officers; 
and in that short time they broke down the statues and the 
carved work in all the churches. The next day the Sultan 
rode down to the city ; and after visiting Fort S. Nicholas he 
presented himself with only two attendants in the dining hall 
of the Grand Master's Palace to return a visit from I'lle 
Adam, whom he found busy collecting his effects ; thence he 
went across to S. John's Church and made his prayer — it was 
Friday — and afterwards rode down the Street of the Knights 
and through the city to the southern gate. On New Year's 
Day 1523 the Grand Master took leave of the Sultan and 
then embarked ; and an hour before dusk the fleet, battered 
and neglected during the siege, went out of harbour and soon 



afterwards made sail for Crete on its way to Italy. The next 
day, Friday, the Sultan again entered the city and made his 
prayer at S. John's Church ; and in the afternoon he left with 
the fleet and a great part of the army for Marmarice. 
Eighteen hundred soldiers were left in garrison; five thousand 
workmen were brought over from the mainland to rebuild the 
fortifications ; and twenty galleys remained on guard till the 
rebuilding was done. 

The Knights had sustained the greatest siege in living 
memory, and had capitulated on honourable terms ; but 
captious critics dwelt on the fact that after all they had lost 
Rhodes, and hinted that it was their duty to have died 
fighting. To this the Knights replied that the loss of Rhodes 
was due to the Powers of the West who had left them to 
contend alone against the whole forces of the Turk ; and that 
although they might themselves be bound to fight to the last, 
they had to consider the civil population. But in the first 
place it is not clear why the Order in the West did not 
support them, even if the Powers failed. A vessel was sent 
out from Rhodes on the 26th of June a few hours after the 
landing of the Turks, and she reached Otranto on the 14th of 
July. Besides the appeals to the Emperor and the Pope and 
the Kings of England and France for assistance, she carried 
directions to the Order to collect supplies in Italy and Sicily 
and to charter ships there, or if necessary at Genoa or 
Marseilles. The Order was immensely rich. The Pope gave 
them 6,000 ducats, and the Emperor and the King of France 
permitted them to fit out forces at Marseilles and in Italy and 
Sicily. Yet only four vessels reached Rhodes from the West 
during the siege: and these brought only two or three 
Knights apiece, except the last, which brought a hundred 
soldiers and supplies of wine as well ; but this did not arrive 
till the negotiation for the surrender had begun. It is true 
that a vessel with English Knights went down with all hands 
off the English coast, that two vessels with Spanish Knights 
were disabled by Moorish pirates, and that a Genoese ship 
chartered by the Order was lost off Monaco : but these were 
only on their way to Messina ; and no effort was made to 



send off the fleet which was leisurely being collected there by 
the Order, though three more vessels made their way from 
Rhodes to Italy to beg for instant aid. Yet before the close 
of the siege the Venetians sent out a strong fleet of sixty sail 
to protect Crete. And in the second place it is not clear why 
the Knights did not send off most of their vessels to Crete 
with the civil population, and then send the rest with 
sufficient supplies for a small force to one or more of the five 
castles ; and themselves retire thither. But it is pretty clear 
that rile Adam, though brave and devout and very princely, 
was no strategist. He simply allowed himself to be shut up 
in the city and sent for help ; and made not the slightest use 
of the five castles. During that important month's delay 
before the Sultan's arrival he w^ould do nothing, in spite of 
the protests of the Chancellor Andrea d'Amaral ; and it 
must be remembered that when Amaral had forced him into 
a bold course of action at Alexandretta ten years before, the 
victory justified that course. And the success of the artillery 
and the engineering, which prolonged the defence, was due 
not to rile Adam but to Prejean de Bidoux and Gabriel di 

In 1525 there was a plot to restore Rhodes to the Knights. 
There were then only 300 Janizaries in the city : and many 
of these, including part of the garrison of Fort S. Nicholas, 
had been won over by a Rhodian priest named George, who 
had the confidence of the Greeks. This priest accordingly 
sent a despatch^ to the Grand Master, stating that on receipt 
of a Magistral Bull securing a perpetual pension to the con- 
spirators and confirming the Rhodians in their ancient liberties 
with certain new privileges, the city would be placed in his 
power. The Knights were asked to fit out three galleys and 
six other vessels to cruise near Rhodes and to assemble before 
the city on an appointed day : on a Friday at noon, when the 

^ Thomas Guichardus, Oratio coram Clemente VII Pont. Max. Jacques de 
Bourbon, La grande et merueilleuse et tres-cruelle oppugnation de la noble cite de 
Rhodes. Jacobus Fontanus, de bello Rhodio libri tres. A few details from the 
Summarium der brief aus Candia von geschichten der Stat Rodis. 

' Original, British Museum, Otho, C. 9. 

R- 3 



Turks were at prayer, the Cross would be displayed on Fort 
S. Nicholas and at the harbour mouth : the Janizaries would 
throw open the gates : and in three hours the city would be 
taken. But nothing came of this plot. 

Since then Rhodes has remained in the hands of the 
Turks : sharing for a century and a half in their prosperity, 
while their government was still the best in Europe, and 
afterwards involved in their decline. But the future of the 
island will be determined by its strategic value to a Mediter- 
ranean Power with interests in Egypt against a hostile Power 
in Asia Minor. 


Social Life. 

The city of Rhodes, which had been destroyed by earth- 
quake about 227 B.C. and again in 157 A.D., was destroyed for 
the third time in 515 A.D. The catastrophe occurred at dead 
of night, and the loss of life must have been immense. After 
the first earthquake the Rhodians had been aided by their 
allies in rebuilding their city, and after the second Antoninus 
Pius had rebuilt it at his own cost. The Emperor Anastasios 
now made a large grant towards the rebuilding as well as in 
aid of the sufferers ; but neither he nor the Rhodians of that 
day had resources for rebuilding the city on its former scale : 
and it was probably then that the ancient line of the city 
walls, which enclosed over a thousand acres, was exchanged 
for the modern hne, which encloses less than a hundred and 
fifty. The island had also suffered from a great earthquake 
in 345 : and Abu-el-Faraj states that it was involved in the 
earthquake which destroyed Neo-Caesarea in 503 ; but as he 
mentions a grant from the Emperor Anastasios in connection 
with this, he probably was thinking of the earthquake of 515. 
Rhodes again suffered from earthquakes on the 8th of August 
1304 and on the 30th of April 1364. In this last the shocks 
began at noon and continued until noon next day : many 
buildings fell in the city and the villages : and people found 
it hard to keep their footing on shore, and still harder on 
board the vessels in harbour. In 148 1, when Rhodes had 
hardly recovered from the ravages of the Turks the year 




before, it was visited by a series of earthquakes. The first 
was on the 17th of March about three in the afternoon, and 
this was followed by a number of lesser shocks. On the 3rd 
of May there was a severe shock at nine in the morning-, 
followed by a sea wave rather more than ten feet high : 
various buildings were overthrown, but the only wreck was 
that of a merchant ship lying at anchor in harbour, which 
was carried on to the rocks and went down. During the 
remainder of the year, there were constant shocks which 
gradually weakened all the buildings in the city : the worst 
being on the 3rd of October, when there was a similar sea 
wave. The great earthquake was on the 17th of December. 
The people were roused by a shock at midnight ; and while 
some hurried to the churches to pray, others fled to the open 
spaces and others to the vaults below their houses. A worse 
shock followed at four in the morning ; and another, still 
worse, at six. This last damaged the Grand Master's Palace 
and the three great towers by the harbour : it levelled churches 
with the ground : and it so injured the houses which survived 
that they needed rebuilding. Many people were killed. 
There was a final shock at noon, followed by a southwesterly 
gale with rain. The inhabitants propped up some of the 
houses ; but they did not venture to stay in them, and took 
up their quarters in wooden huts\ 

Nearly all the mediaeval buildings in Rhodes date in their 
present form from the years following the great earthquake, 
as the arms and inscriptions upon their walls sufiiciently 
testify. A vast change in the external aspect of the city was 
also being made at the same time, although for another 
reason. The towers of the fortifications had served the 
enemy for marks during the bombardment of 1480, and their 
ruins had choked the fosse : and accordingly all these towers 
on the landward side of the city were being reduced to the 

^ Theophanes, vol. i. p. 56, followed by Cedren, vol. i. p. 522, on the earth- 
quake of 345; Abu-el-Faraj, Syriac version, p. 82, on that of 503; Malalas, p. 
406, Evagrios, iii. 43, and Nicephoros Callistos, xvi. 38, on that of 515; Pachy- 
meres, vol. ii. pp. 392, 393, on that of 1304; Eulogium Historiarum, vol. iii. pp. 
237 — 239, on that of 1364; and Caoursin, de terracmotus labe, on those of 1481. 



level of the ramparts \ The ramparts themselves are very 
little taller than the depth of the fosse, and in most places are 
hardly visible at a short distance. These fortifications are of 
older date than the time of the Knights: about 1275 the 
Byzantine governor of Rhodes used to make his prisoners 
work at excavating the fosse and carrying stone for the walls^ 
Possibly the ruins of the ancient city disappeared in this 
work. When the English Crusaders had touched there in 
119 1, the vast remains of the walls with their towers and of 
various stately edifices and all the dwellings of the former 
dense population had made them compare the place to 
ancient Rome^ 

On the east side of the northernmost point of the island, 
and about a thousand yards from the end, stands Fort 
S. Nicholas. The round tower was built about 1464 from 
funds supplied by Duke Philip the Good of Burgundy, pre- 
sumably in memory of the defence* of the fort by Burgundians 
against the Egyptians in 1444. During the bombardment of 
this tower in 1480, a new line of defence was hastily built 
round its base : and soon afterwards this was rebuilt as a 
permanent work. Thus the fort forms an irregular decagon, 
from the centre of which rises the tower. There is now a 
small lighthouse above with a revolving light. In 1497 there 
were three windmills and a newly built chapel of S. Nicholas 
on the mole leading to the fort^ This mole is of mediaeval 
work on ancient Greek foundations and is about 500 yards 
long, joining the city walls at their north-east corner. From 
this corner the walls extend eastward along another mole at 
right angles to this, leading over an arch to the Tower of 
France, otherwise termed the Tower de Naillac in memory of 
the Grand Master who built it soon after 1400. This was a 
tall square tower with overhanging battlements and turrets at 
each corner and an octagonal tower above. It fell in the 

1 Conrad Griinemberg, p. 154, ed. Rohricht and Meisner. 

' Document of 1278 a. d., printed by Tafel and Thomas, vol. iii. pp. 197, 208. 

' Itinerarium Regis Richardi, ii. 27, 28. 

* Joannes Germanus, Vita Philippi III Burgundiae ducis, cap. 44, 45. 
' Arnold von Harff, p. 71. 



earthquake of the 22nd of April 1863. A huge iron chain 
stretched from this tower to the Windmill Tower on the other 
side of the harbour mouth 300 yards distant. The capstan 
for hauling the chain taut, when the harbour mouth was to be 
blocked, was still in the basement in 1843. The chain, or 
part of it, was at Constantinople recently. The Windmill 
Fort opposite is much like Fort S. Nicholas, but on a smaller 
scale. To guard against treachery, the Captains of the three 
harbour towers were always Knights of different Nations : they 
were selected from the several Nations in rotation, and held 
the post for three years. Knights could obtain exemption 
from keeping watch on the towers by sending a supply of 
wine regularly for those on guard \ The building of the 
Windmill Tower was ascribed to King Louis of France, 
presumably during the Crusade of 1248: and the windmills 
on the Windmill Mole were said to have been built by 
Genoese prisoners captured in an attempt to surprise the city^ 
The allusion must be to the attack in 1248, although as a 
matter of fact the Genoese actually captured the city and 
held it for some while against the Byzantines. The thirteen 
windmills on the mole were all battered down during the 
siege of 1480 : but were immediately rebuilt, as they were 
needed for daily use^ Several of the windmills formed part 
of the endowment of churches. Thus in 1389 the second and 
the sixth counting from the tower at the end were granted to 
a chapel of the Virgin in S.John's Church: thus again in 1392 
the first and apparently the fourth and the ninth were granted 
to a chapel of S. Catherine in the suburbs : and thus again in 
1489 the fifth was made part of the endowment of a number 
of churches in Rhodes*. The mole, which is of mediaeval 
work on ancient Greek foundations, is about 300 yards long, 
joining the city walls at their eastern corner. From this 
corner to the Bastion of Provence, 300 yards further south, was 
the post of the Italian Knights. There is an outwork, built 

1 Stabilimenta, de Electionibus, xvii, de Baiuliuis, xv. 

2 Arnold von Ilarff, p. 70, and the Pilgrims generally. 
Frater P'elix Fabri, p. 164. a. 

■* Libri Bullarum, no. 9, folio 135 Icrgo; no. 11, folio 129; no. 75, folio 195. 



by the Grand Master d'Amboise about 1510, running from 
the bastion to the sea. The walls next run to the south- 
west for 400 yards, and this was the post of the Knights of 
Provence. Then comes the Bastion of England, covering the 
southern gate of the city. It was built by the Grand Master 
Carretto about 1520. This was S. John's Gate, and there is a 
figure of John Baptist in relief above. They were also called 
the Bastion and Gate of Coscinos, from the large village to 
which the gate led, and the Bastion and Gate of Athanasios 
or Anastasios : Athanasios probably being a clerical error for 
Anastasios, since the suburb outside is now called Hagia 
Anastasia. Thence the walls run west for 450 yards, and this 
was the post of the English Knights. Then comes the 
Bastion of Arragon, and 200 yards to the north-west the 
Bastion of Auvergne : and between them was the post of the 
Knights of Arragon. Outworks like that before the post of 
Italy extend from the Bastion of England to the Bastion of 
Auvergne. The Bastion of Auvergne, a large round work, 
was begun by the Grand Master Carretto, but was finished by 
his successor I'lle Adam only just before the siege of 1522. 
The Bastion of Arragon is from a very similar design. The 
post of the Knights of Auvergne extended 250 yards north- 
ward from their bastion to the Gate of S. George, whence the 
post of the German Knights extended another 250 yards 
northward to the Amboise Gate, built by the Grand Master 
d'Amboise in 15 12. The only authority for calling this the 
Gate of S. Ambrose seems to be an error of Ambrosiana for 
Ambosiana in a reprint of Fontanus. The gateway stands 
between two large round bastions, and the roadway through 
it passes three lines of defence before entering the city. 
S. George's Gate was walled up in the time of the Knights, 
probably when the stronger Amboise Gate was built. There 
is a figure of S. George in relief above it. The whole of the 
northern walls from the Amboise Gate to the Tower of France 
in the harbour was the post of the French Knights. The 
recess in the walls on this face was filled by the garden of the 
Palace of the Knights of Auvergne. From S. Peter's Tower, 
at the eastern corner of this, a line of fortification runs down 



to the bay : this secured communications along the mole to 
Fort S. Nicholas. Further east at the end of the mole are S. 
Paul's Tower and the Castle Gate, both built by the Grand 
Master d'Aubusson about 1 500. The gate is double, leading 
out of the city on the west and on to the quay on the east. 
The walls by the quay were the post of the Knights of 
Castile and Portugal. About the centre of the quay is 
S. Catherine's Gate, otherwise called the Sea Gate. There is 
a figure of S. Catherine in relief above it. It stands between 
two round towers with overhanging battlements, completed in 
1477 by the Grand Master d'Aubusson \ 

Within the city a line of fortification runs from near this 
gate to near the Amboise Gate, dividing the Castle on the 
north from the Town on the south. The Castle was strin- 
gently guarded : during the Carnival, for example, nobody 
with masks or other disguises over the face might enter it 
from the Town. It was the abode of the Knights, who 
generally were not permitted to go into the Town unless on 
horseback or walking two and tvvo^ Entering the Castle 
close by the Sea Gate, on the left stands the Hospital, the 
distinctive building of the Knights Hospitallers. It was built 
in its present form by the Grand Master de Lastic about 1440. 
Like all the larger buildings at Rhodes it is nearly square 
with an open courtyard in the centre : the ground floor 
consisting of vaulted warehouses, and the first floor containing 
the dwelling rooms which open on to an arcaded gallery 
running round the courtyard and approached by an imposing 
staircase. Old conveyances^ shew that in the time of the 
Knights (as at present) the warehouses on the ground floor of 
a house, domjis bassa, often belonged to a different owner to 
the dwelling rooms above, donms alta. In the case of the 
Hospital, the warehouses facing the Sea Gate formed the 
endowment of the prior and chaplain. The physicians were 
bound to visit every patient at least twice a day ; and they 

^ This topography of the fortifications results from a comparison of the 
accounts of the sieges of 1480 and 1522 in Caoursin, Bourbon and Fontanus: 
with some aid from inscriptions on the walls. 

' Stabilimenta, de Fratribus, xxxv, lii. 

^ Libri UuUarum, no. 75, folio 195, for cxami)le. 



"iiad two surgeons under their orders, for there were many 
surgical cases : and a large store of drugs was maintained. 
The patients were to be fed on nourishing food, namely cocks 
and hens, and bread and wine: dice and chess and the reading 
of histories and chronicles and all other such nuisances 
were forbidden within the walls : and finally if a patient died, 
his body was to be carried out to burial by four men wearing 
long black robes kept for that purposed The magnificent 
silver plate used here was looted by the Turks in 1522 after 
the capitulation^ This building forms the lower corner of 
the famous street of the Knights, which ascends gradually 
from this between the Palaces of the various Nations to the 
remains of a large vaulted gallery which connected S. John's 
Church on the left with the Grand Master s Palace on the 
right. In this gallery [Circus sive Lobia Conventus) every 
Knight had to perform gun- drill at least once a week^. The 
Church was accidently blown up on the 6th of November 1856. 
It had a nave and two aisles, with wooden roofs ; and a short 
transept and choir, both vaulted : but was very small, measur- 
ing only 150 feet by 50. The square belfry towxr stood 
opposite the west front, and detached from it. The Turks 
battered this tower severely during the siege of 1522, finding 
that it overlooked their camp : and probably the upper stories 
were pulled down soon after^ The Palace was another large 
square building with an open courtyard. Its ruin was com- 
pleted by the explosion. Below this courtyard are the 
granaries, much like those at Malta. A whole year's supply 
of grain and biscuit was always kept here ; the amount being 
certified monthly by the Wardens of the Vault^ The entrance 
to the Castle just by the Sea Gate faced the chief street of 
the Town. This was termed la Porta de Alnardo, and followed 
the curve of the harbour walls to the south east ; opening on 
the right to a large square, now covered by the Bazaars, but 
formerly divided by a single row of shops into the Market 

* Stabilimenta, de Hospitalitate, v, ix — xv. ' Fontanus. 
' Stabilimenta, de Fratribus, xlvi. 

* Bourbon; Fontanus. 

' Stabilimenta, de Magistio, ix, de Baiuliuis, xii, xvii. 



Place on the north and S. Sebastian's Square, styled also the 
Square of the Court of Commerce or simply the Square, on 
the south \ It was here that Jem was received by the Grand 
Master d'Aubusson on his triumphal entry into Rhodes in 
1482 ^ In 1522 the Greek metropolitan roused the courage of 
the citizens by a speech made before the Court of Commerce 
and within view of the eikon of Our Lady of Phileremos'. 
Now this eikon had just been carried to S. Mark's Church* : 
and at the south-eastern end of this square there is a public 
building of the time of the Knights facing the ruins of a 
church. Possibly these are the Fondaco and church first 
founded by the Venetians under the treaty of the nth of 
April 1234. The sale of a house in this square in 1459 
affords a fair example of the varied population of the Town : 
the vendor was a Cypriot, and the adjacent buildings belonged 
respectively to a Venetian, a Florentine and a Jew^ 

The long spit of sand forming the north end of the is- 
land was termed Sandy Point, or its equivalent in various 
languages. S. Antony's Church stood on this spit, just 
opposite Fort S. Nicholas. It was destroyed by the Turks 
in 1480, but was rebuilt by the Grand Master d'Aubusson 
soon after. Pilgrims and strangers who died at Rhodes were 
buried here. Between this and the north side of the city 
were the gardens of the Grand Master and others. They 
were irrigated by water pumped up from a well by a wind- 
mill. In 1496 an old ostrich and two young were kept with 
their wings clipped in a walled enclosure here. They laid 
their eggs in sand and hatched them by simply looking at 
them : they fed on iron and steel. There was also a sheep 
from India, and various other strange animals : particularly a 
hound given to the Grand Master by Sultan Bajazet. It was 
about the size of a greyhound, mouse coloured, with no hair 
at all except about the mouth, and it had claws like a bird. 
From this last fact comes the story that the Grand Turk had 
a bird that every year laid three eggs ; and from two of the 

^ Libri Bullarum, no. 9, folio 135 lergo ; no. 11, folio 129; no. 75, folio 195. 

2 Caoursin, de casu regis Zyzymy. ^ Fontanus. 

* Bourbon. ^ Lj^ri Bullarum, no. 55, folio 214. 



eggs came birds, but from the third a puppy. It was neces- 
sary to remove the puppy as soon as it broke its shell : other- 
wise the birds pecked it\ Between this point of land and the 
mole of S. Nicholas is a narrow bay, formerly used by the 
Turks for shipbuilding. In 1480 the entrance was already 
silted up, so that galleys had much trouble in coming in. 
This bay and the other bay to the east of the harbour were 
both called the Mandrachium or the Mandraki. The place 
of execution was at the end of the rocks beyond the eastern 
bay. Near this in the suburbs was the church of S. John of 
the Fountain, opposite the Bastion of Provence. Opposite the 
post of England, and within speaking distance of the walls, 
was the church of Our Lady of Pity, whence the proposals 
for capitulation were made in both sieges ; and on the rising 
ground behind it was the church of SS. Cosmas and 
Damianus, whose name is preserved in that of the suburb 
Hagioe Anargyroe. During the siege of 1522 Sultan Sulai- 
man stayed at a villa on this side of the city, at a place 
called Megas Andras or Megalandra. The hill to the west, 
which formed the Acropolis of the ancient city, was called 
S. Stephen's Hill from an ancient Byzantine church of that 
saint. Unfortunately this church was not made a mosque : 
and thus the Franciscans were enabled to purchase it about 
forty years ago to pull it down and use the materials for their 
mission chapelt 

The chief castles and villasres of Rhodes are named in an 


order of the Council^ dated the 2nd of March 1474, and the 
position of most of these may be inferred from the present 
names of the villages. This order directs that in view of the 
constant descents of Turkish pirates on the coast, the people 
of the several villages are to retire with their goods to the 
several castles thereby appointed, the men going down to the 
villages by day to tend the sheep or drive them up the moun- 

^ Anonymus of Donaueschingen, p. loi; Dietrich von Schachten, p. 217; 
Peter Rindfleisch, pp. 339, 340; ed. Rohricht and Meisner. Arnold von Harff, 
p. 71. 

This topography of the suburbs results from a comparison of the accounts 
of the sieges of 1480 and 1522 in Caoursin, Bourbon and Fontanus. 
^ Libri Conciliorum, 1473 — 147^' ^o^io 62. 



tains in case of danger. The chief of the English Knights 
was ahvays responsible for the safety of the coast\ The 
large village of Cosquino (Coscinos) was protected by a 
castle which has now disappeared. On the coast here was 
Cape Bo^ (Cape Voudhi) about four miles from the city: it 
took its name from a rock like an ox. The district round 
was called Parabolin^ On the hill above are the ruins of the 
monastery of the Prophet Elias. This is marked on a map 
in an early manuscript* of Bondelmonte, though not men- 
tioned in the text. The villages of Fando (Aphandos), 
Psito (Psithos), Archipoli (Archipolis), Armia (.?), Calathies 
(Calitheas), and Demathia {?), were protected by the city. 
The castle of Obsito (Psithos) is mentioned by Bourbon in 
1522, but not in the order of 1474. Its ruins belong to a 
simple square tower, too small to shelter the villagers. Fol- 
lowing the brook from this village to the sea, watermills are 
passed just below Aphandos. One of these with its leet and 
a garden and the ruined tower called Ermira was granted on 
the 26th of March 1460 by the Grand Master to the Knight 
Louis de Magnac^ This Knight managed the sugar planta- 
tions of the Order in Cyprus, and probably this property was 
to be used as a refinery for sugar grown in Rhodes. Close 
by Aphandos are the ruins of a simple square tower like 
that at Psithos : possibly this is Ermira. The village of 
Archangelus (Archangelo) was protected by the castle which 
crowns a steep hill just to the south. Three miles further 
south are the ruins of Pheraclos, one of the three chief castles 
of the Knights, standing on a hill that rises about 500 feet 
straight from the sea. The walls are seven feet thick and 
strengthened by round towers : and within are remains of a 
chapel, cistern, rooms and vaults. This was a Byzantine 
fortress, and the first place taken by the Knights on their 
arrival at Rhodes. It occupies the Acropolis of an ancient 
city, whose walls surround a small table-land below: probably 
Astyra, since its coins have been found here. This castle 

^ Stabilimenta, de Baiuliuis, xxvii. ^ Fontanus. 

2 Bourbon. * British Museum, Vespasian, A. 13. 

' Libri Bullarum, no. 55. folio 110. 



(variously spelt Feraclo, Ferado, or Ferando) protected the 
villages of Salix (presumably by the salt springs on the 
shore below the castle), Janadoto (?), Malona (Malona), 
Catagro (Categrano), and Camimari (Cameri). Ships leaving 
the city of Rhodes for Alexandria came in to the bay 
between Pheraclos and Lindos for wood and fresh water \ 
Considerable ancient remains at Lindos are mentioned by 
Bondelmonte in 1422. The castle occupies the ancient 
Acropolis, a hill rising abruptly about 600 feet from the sea 
at the end of a small peninsula, on which is the town. This 
was also a Byzantine fortress, and was held by the Imperial 
troops against the Genoese in 1248: and was afterwards one 
of the three chief castles of the Knights. There is a triple 
line of defence at the only accessible point; and within are 
remains of two ancient Greek temples, a Byzantine church, 
and the Knights' quarters, and also some Turkish houses. 
Several of the Gothic houses in the town are of later date 
than the expulsion of the Knights. This castle protected 
the villages of Calatho (Calathos), Pilona (Pilona), Lardo 
(Lardos), Sclepio (Asclepios), and Janadi (Yannathi). Lardos 
belonged to Vignolo de' Vignoli, the Byzantine admiral and 
the partner of the Grand Master Villaret in the conquest of 
Rhodes. He received it under a Golden Bull of Androneicos 
II Palaeologos, and it remained in his family for four genera- 
tions : but in 1402 Simone de' Vignoli, who then held it as a 
noble vassal of the Order, sold it to another Rhodian^. The 
ancient Rhodians must have obtained their Lartian stone 
here. Between Lardos and Asclepios is a torrent now called 
the Alona : this is marked on the Bondelmonte map as the 
Gadora, as to which the text merely says that it was in the 
middle of the island. The village of Laderma (Alaerma) 
further up this torrent was protected by the castle of Polone 
(Apollona) further north. Laderma was one of the ancient 
demes of Lindos. Above it rose Mount Artamita, the loftiest 
in Rhodes and all the islands round : indeed, Noah's Ark 

^ Arnold von Harff, p. 76. 

' Libri Bullarum, no. ii, folio 187 tergo ; no. 17, folio 164 tergo. 



grounded there during the Flood \ The castle of Laconea 
(Lachania) protected the villages of Tha (?), Dephania (?), 
and Efgales (Vigli). The southern point of the island is 
marked Cape Tranquillo in old sea maps, the Catalan Chart 
of 1375 for example: the only other places in the island 
generally marked in these being the city at the northern 
point and Lindos at the western. The castle of Catauia 
(Catabia) protected the villages of Messenagro (Mesanagrose) 
and Vathy (Vathi). Catabia was one of the ancient demes 
of Lindos. The castle of Priognia (Apolacia) protected the 
villages of Stridio (Istridos), Profilia (Prophilia) and Arniatha 
(Arnitha). Monolithos, one of the three chief castles of the 
Knights, crowns a huge mass of rock jutting out from one of 
the western spurs of the central mountains : and is only 
accessible along the narrow ridge which connects it with this 
spur. During the siege of 1522 a small reinforcement from 
Crete was landed here and marched overland to Lindos, and 
thence sent on by ship to the city^ A little to the north is 
Vasilica, mentioned by Bondelmonte as an ancient Imperial 
city. The castle of Salaco (Salacos) protected the villages of 
Capi (Piges) and Quitala (Ketallah): the castle of Fanes 
(Phanez) protected the villages of Dyastoro (Soroni), Nyoco- 
rio (.'') and Imilia (Themilyah) : and the castle of Villa Nova 
(Villa Nuova) protected the villages of Chimides Alto- 
logo (.''), Dimitria (Damatria) and Soieguy (?}. A deed of 
1489 mentions Calopetra, Maricarium, Bastita and Cremasco 
in the relative positions of the present Calo Petra, Maritza, 
Bastidha and Cremastil The Grand Master's castle was at 
Villa Nova : the notion that it was at Cremasti seems based 
on a fancied resemblance of the name Cremasti to Grande 
Maistrie. Trianta (Trianda) is marked on the Bondelmonte 
map. Just to the south of this is Mount Phileremos, the 
ancient Acropolis of lalysos and afterwards a Byzantine 
fortress. The Imperial troops were besieged here by the 
Genoese in 1248. The Knights had a castle here to protect 
the famous church of Our Lady of Phileremos: and the ruins 

^ Frater Felix Fabri, p. 162. a. ^ Bourbon. 

' Libri Eullarum, no. 75, folio 195. 



of both buildings remain. But the place was abandoned to 
the Turks during both sieges: and in 1522 Sultan Sulaiman 
began to fortify the Mount and convert the castle and church 
into a palace, intending to establish himself there till he 
could take the city from the Knights; just as the Knights two 
centuries before had established themselves there until they 
took the city from the Byzantines \ 

The expedition against Rhodes in 1306 was carried out by 
the Knights and the Genoese : but it was probably financed, 
if not originally planned, by the Florentine bankers ; for the 
treaty' between Villaret and \'ignolo was attested by a part- 
ner in the great firm of the Peruzzil A few years later the 
Knights were banking with this firm : sums payable at Venice 
for the treasury' being received by the Peruzzi agent there and 
passed through the chief office at Florence^ In 132 1 the 
Knights borrowed 191,000 gold florins from the Peruzzi, and 
133,000 gold florins from the Bardi : undertaking to repay 
the whole sum of 324,000 florins (about half a million sterhng) 
by four annual instalments of 93,000 florins each, so that the 
interest was at the rate of six per cent, per annum \ The 
current statement that the Knights owed the Florentine 
bankers 575,000 gold florins must have been obtained by 
mistaking the original loan of 324,000 florins, which was to 
be cleared oft by the four annual payments of 93,000 florins, 
for the residue of the original loan after these four annual 
payments had been made. Some facts about business at 
Rhodes may be inferred from the notes of Pegolotti, one of 
the Bardi agents of this time. Bills were drawn on Florence 
at two months, and conversely. Accounts were kept in 
byzants and carats, twenty-four carats to a byzant : and six 
and a half byzants exchanged for one gold florin, or there- 
about. As to weights. One cantaro contained 25 rubi or 100 
ruotoli. One ruotolo contained 10 marchi of S once each, or 
12 occhie of 6f once each, or 6J libbre of 12 once each: and 

^ Fontanus. ' Libri BuUarum. no. ir, folio 187 tergo. 

' Libri Commemoriali, i. 535, 541, 630. 

* Original deed, at Florence ; cited by Peruzzi, Storia del comnaercio e dei 
banchieri di Firenze. pp. :o3, :o4. :54, 255. 



for fresh meat and fish there was a ruotolo of 14 occhie. One 
migliajo contained one cantaro and a half or 1000 libbre. 
One Hbbra contained 79 pesi, and one oncia contained 158 
carati, 24 carati to the peso. For measure of capacity, one 
moggio contained 8 cafissi : and for measure of length, one 
canna contained 3 picchi. The chief articles of commerce 
were spices, incense, saffron, wax, pepper, caviare, woollen and 
linen goods, oil by the jar of 100 quarts and wine by the 
metro of 48 quarts, and provisions of all kinds. Grain was 
imported from Ephesos, Anaea, Miletos and Attalia in Asia 
Minor, from Famagusta in Cyprus, and from Crete and South 
Italy. Wine was imported from Crete : and wine, oil and 
nuts from South Italy. Woollen and linen goods were im- 
ported from Florence. Linen goods were manufactured at 
Rhodes, and were exported to Famagusta : and soap was 
made at Rhodes in works belonging to the Knights by private 
persons who paid a tax on each boiling. The tank at the 
works turned out 14J cantara of soap at a boiling at the 
following cost: 6 butts of clear oil of 555 quarts each, 72 
florins : freight of same from South Italy, 3 florins : 5 cantara 
of soda-ash, 17J florins: 42 moggia of quicklime, J florin: 
fire-wood, 2 florins: wages, 5 florins: tax, 10 florins: hire of 
cisterns for oil and other incidental expenses, florins : in 
all, 1 11^ gold florins. The sale of 13^ cantara of soap at 8;| 
florins per cantaro or at 2 carati per libbra just covered this 
cost, leaving one cantaro of soap for profit\ The accounts of 
the Peruzzi agent at Rhodes made up to Midsummer 1335 
shew 273,506 byzants to credit and 194,705 to debit, with bad 
debts on sixteen transactions to the amount of 1864 byzants. 
His successor paid 333J florins on the 29th of December 1335 
towards the building of a house which the Florentine bankers, 
the Peruzzi and the Bardi and the Acciainoli, were erecting at 
a cost of 1000 florins at Villa Nova about ten miles from the 
city by the desire of the Grand Master Villa Nova. He paid 
60 florins for a house and plot of land, to allow his gardener to 
live at the Peruzzi garden outside the city walls, and for the 

^ Pegolotti, pp. 80, <)2 — 95, 199, cd. Pagnini. 



pilasters of the pergola for the vines. Then on the 6th of 
April 1339 he paid 85 J florins for repairs to the Peruzzi house 
and warehouses in the city, and afterwards nearly 25 florins 
for further repairs : and also 1 17 florins odd for building nine 
cisterns for oil in one of their warehouses in the city\ 

The money transactions of the Knights between their 
estates in Cyprus and their estates in the south of France 
were at this time managed by merchants of Montpellier and 
Narbonne who traded in the Levant. Raymond Seraller of 
Narbonne, who carried on business at Montpellier and in 
Cyprus, must have traded largely with Rhodes: for goods of 
his on their way there were seized to the value of 1000 florins 
on board a Rhodian vessel in 1353 and to the value of 5000 
florins on board a Messenian vessel in 1354 by Venetian galleys 
during the hostilities between Venice and Genoa. Seraller 
sued the captains of the galleys in the Castellan's Court at 
Rhodes for piratical seizure : but failing to obtain execution 
of the judgements delivered in his favour there and elsewhere, 
he procured letters of marque against Venetians from the 
King of France. These caused immense mischief and led to 
frequent negotiations : but they were continued to his heirs 
after his death, and although often suspended they remained 
uncancelled at the end of the centuryl In 1356 grants of 
commercial privileges at Rhodes were issued to Montpellier 
and to Narbonne in the same terms. The citizens and 
merchants of Montpellier or Narbonne were empowered to 
appoint a consul to reside at Rhodes. If the consul thus 
appointed left Rhodes for some time or for good, another 
should be appointed by him and by the merchants of 
Montpellier or Narbonne then resident there: and if he died, 
his successor should be appointed by these merchants. He 
was to decide their commercial and shipping cases: and might 
enforce his decisions summarily by a fine not exceeding fifty 
byzants, or after trial by imprisonment in the public jail, 
notice being first given to the Castellan : and he might keep 

^ The Great Book of the Peruzzi Bank, tome iv. pp. 7, 8, 13, at Florence; 
extracts printed by Peruzzi, op. cit., pp. 282 — 284, 337, 338, 
' Libri Commemoriali, vi. 5, 7, 92, vii. 51, ix. 202. 

K. 4 



one or two sargents, wearing the arms of Montpellier or 
Narbonne and of the Knights, to carry out his orders upon 
any persons of Montpellier or Narbonne at Rhodes who were 
not specially under the jurisdiction of the Knights. In mixed 
suits, if the defendant alone was of Montpellier or Narbonne, 
he was to be sued before his consul with an appeal to the 
Rhodian Court of Commerce : but if the plaintiff alone was 
of Montpellier or Narbonne, he was to sue in the Court of 
Commerce. All mercantile contracts made at Rhodes were 
to be registered in the Court of Commerce, and all disputes 
arising thereout were to be decided there. A consulate might 
be maintained in the city, free from all dues and taxes : but 
no tower or other structure of defence was to be erected 
above it. No taxes should be imposed upon the people of 
Montpellier or Narbonne at Rhodes except for harbour works: 
and if a tax for these were proposed, the consul for MontpelHer 
or Narbonne was to be summoned to the discussion at the 
Council of the Citizens. The merchants of Montpellier or 
Narbonne were exempted from dues on merchandize imported 
by them from the West, except in the case of slaves not in 
their domestic service and of soap, on which two commodities 
they were to pay the ordinary dues : and they were also 
exempted from dues on purchases and sales of merchandize 
at Rhodes and on their exports thence. And the prohibition 
of the export from Rhodes of wine, oil, corn, salt meat and 
provisions generally, was suspended in the case of provisions 
originally imported by merchants of Montpellier and Narbonne 
from the West. On the other hand the Castellan was empow- 
ered in case of need to summon all the people of Montpellier or 
Narbonne at Rhodes to aid in defending the castle, the city 
and the harbours against enemies of any nation \ These 
grants both contain a most favoured nation clause, and 
probably many similar grants were made about this time. 
In 1374 there was a Venetian consul at Rhodes^ 

^ The Montpellier grant is printed by Germain, Histoire de la commune de 
Montpellier, vol. ii. pp. 536 ff. : the Narbonne grant partly printed by Port, 
Histoire du commerce maritime de Narbonne, pp. 118 ff. 

^ Libri Commcmoriali, vii. 768. 


Commercial cases were tried at Rhodes before the Bailiff 
of Commerce and one of the judges, and criminal cases before 
the Castellan and one of the judges. The Bailiff of Commerce 
and the Castellan were Knights of at least eight years service, 
and were chosen from the several Nations in rotation. The 
judges of appeal and the judges ordinary were not necessarily 
Knights: they were appointed for a term of two years. A 
committee sat for fifteen days to investigate complaints against 
the Bailiff of Commerce, the Castellan and the judges on the 
expiration of their terms of ofifice\ 

Commerce was forbidden to individual Knights, although 
the Order as a body dealt largely in sugar and other produce 
of their estates. If a Knight was found trading, half his 
merchandize went to the treasury and half to the informer: 
and if found lending money at usury, the principal went to 
the treasury and the interest was returned to the borrower : 
and there were further penalties. It was also necessary to 
forbid the Knights to practise piracy, or to consort with 
pirates. To check this, Knights were not permitted to arm 
ships at Rhodes without licence from the Grand Master in 
Council ; and such licence was granted only to those who 
had been in residence there for five years, and then only upon 
deposit of security to satisfy the possible claims of Christian 
merchants. Ships armed at Rhodes without licence were 
confiscated. The power of granting safe-conduct to pirates 
and to fugitive debtors was also confined to the Grand 
Master in Council, and was to be exercised only in cases of 
urgent need^ 

But in spite of all laws, commerce proceeded very ir- 
regularly in the waters of Rhodes. In the second year of the 
Knights' rule, complaint was made to the Grand Master that 
Venetian property on board a vessel belonging to his ally 
Vignolo de' Vignoli had been seized by Genoese galleys : and 
restitution of this (particularly 120 ruotoli of pepper just 
bought at Rhodes for 900 byzants) was demanded by the 
Doge. It appears from a series of complaints addressed to 

^ Stabilimenta, de Electionibus, ix, xiv, xv. 

' Stabilimenta, de Consilio, xii, xxi, de Fratribus, i, xxxviii, xHii, Iv. 



the Doge by the Emperor in 13 19 that Venetian galleys had 
been kidnapping Byzantine subjects for sale in the slave 
market at Rhodes, and that in 1316 they had sold a number 
of citizens of Monembasia to one of the Knights' galleys on 
the high seas\ This forms an amusing pendant to a similar 
series of complaints addressed to the Emperor by the Doge 
forty years before. Venetian vessels trading in corn and 
wine from Euboea to the Gulf of Makri in the Turkish 
territory just opposite Rhodes had been captured there by 
the Byzantine governor of Rhodes, Criviciotus : the vessels 
and cargoes had been confiscated, and all on board had been 
brought into the city to the music of drums and flutes to the 
disparagement of Venice, and had been maltreated and 
imprisoned there and kept to forced labour for seven or 
eight months : and the Imperial decrees subsequently 
obtained by the merchants for the restitution of their goods 
had not been respected by the governor. Moreover a 
Rhodian pirate, Bulgarinus, had plundered Venetians off 
Euboea itself I Matters had so far improved in 141 8 that the 
Knights paid Venice 13,960 ducats on the award of arbitrators 
for damage done to Venetian commerce by a Catalan pirate, 
Nicolo Sampler, with a ship fitted out at Rhodesl But the 
Catalans suffered in their turn. In 1394 a ship bound from 
Barcelona to Rhodes was robbed near there of cloths, silks, 
saffron, coral, honey and vinegar. There was a small direct 
trade between Rhodes and Barcelona in the latter years of the 
Knights^ The island was a resort of fugitive debtors as well 
as of pirates. In 1388 an agent of the Biliotti of Florence, 
who had been entrusted with a large sum for foreign trade, 
retired to Rhodes and refused to account : and the firm 
complained to the Knights in vain. There are complaints 
extending from 1474 to 1478 that the Peruzzi and Bardi have 
not been able to carry out a judgement against a debtor 

^ Libri Commemoriali, i. 480, ii. 179. 

2 Document of 1278 A.d.: printed by Tafel and Thomas, vol. iii. pp. 161, 196, 
197, 208. 

3 Libri Commemoriali, x. 226. 

* Documents printed by Capmany, Memorias historicas sobre la antigua ciudad 
de Barcelona, vol. ii. app. p. 54, vol. iv. app. pp. 26, 27, 33, 39. 



residing at Rhodes. And the goods of some of the Pazzi 
conspirators, which chanced to be at Rhodes, in this way 
escaped confiscation by the Florentine authorities. There 
was some direct trade between Florence and Rhodes by 
vessels sailing from Pisa : and in 1467 the Grand Master 
was thanked for his encouragement of this. But in 15 10 and 
15 1 1 there were repeated requests from Florence for the 
restitution of goods purchased in Syria for a Florentine 
merchant and captured on their way home by a Rhodian 
pirate: and in 15 13 much stir was caused by the capture of 
a large ship belonging to Ancona by the Rhodian pirate 
Centurino or Santolino while on her way to Constantinople 
with costly merchandize from Florence, Pisa and Siena\ In 
15 17 there was a more serious charge that one of the captains 
serving under a Spanish pirate, who hovered round Corfu to 
plunder ships sailing from Ragusa, was a Knight : and that 
this pirate had escaped a Ragusan squadron, sent out to 
capture him, by retiring to Rhodes ^ And two years later 
there were ugly stories current in the island of Knights who 
disguised themselves and their men in Turkish dress at sea, 
that their piracies on Venetian commerce might be attributed 
to the Turks^ 

Pawnbroking was begun by the Knights on a large scale 
in 1505 for the benefit of their vassals and mercenaries in the 
Levant. A capital of 6000 gold ducats (;^900o) was set 
apart for this : and the business was entrusted to two Knights 
and two paid officials, a governor at 200 and a secretary at 
100 gold florins a year with as much again for rent of the 
pawn shop. The officials were appointed for a term of two 
years. The governor was responsible for the capital and the 
pledges, and had to reside at the pawn shop to see to their 
safety. He had to give security to the Grand Master in 
Council : and the secretary had to enter the names of his 
sureties, and see that they did not leave Rhodes without 

^ Documenti suUe relazioni delle citta Toscane coll' Oriente, ed. Giuseppe 
Miiller, nos. 95, 130, 158, 176, 179, 186, 196, 231, 233, 234, 237: cf. Pauli, nos. 
151, 152. 

^ Annali di Ragusa, anno 1517. ^ Tschudi, pp. 83, 84. 



giving notice to the Grand Master. The secretary also had 
to give security in lOO ducats. The two Knights were also 
responsible for the capital and pledges, notwithstanding the 
governor's security. The pawn shop was open on Mondays 
and Fridays, festivals excepted ; and the fact was notified by 
a flag hung out of the front window from the hour of opening 
to the hour of closing. The two Knights had to be present, 
as well as the officials, during business hours. Money was 
lent at the rate of one denaro per florin per month, or per 
cent, per year. Adv^ances were made on gold and silver up 
to four-fifths of the full value, and up to three-fourths on 
jewelry: and if upon a sale a pledge realized less than the 
money lent and the interest, the deficit was deducted from 
the governor's salary. The loans to any one person were not 
to exceed 100 gold ducats at any one time: and to avoid 
fraud, all borrowers were bound to state on oath whether 
they required the loans themselves or for others. Pledges 
were deposited for one year: and the unredeemed pledges 
were put aside daily and sold to the highest bidder; the 
surplus, after deduction of the money lent and the interest, 
being paid over to the depositor. The tickets were made out 
in duplicate ; and one was handed to the depositor, and the 
other was tied on to the pledge : and every ticket was copied 
into a book by the secretary. The accounts were also kept 
by the secretary, and cast up daily by the governor. There 
were two great safes, one for the pledges and the other for 
the capital and the secretary's account book : and each safe 
was fastened with three keys, kept respectively by the 
governor and the two Knights \ 

This careful provision for money lending in 1505 must be 
taken in connection with the expulsion of the Jews three 
years before. Some four hundred Jews were resident at 
Rhodes in the Twelfth Century^ ; and under the Knights 
there was a Jewry in the south-east corner of the cityl It 
was here that the walls were breached in 1480; and the 
Turkish shot destroyed their Synagogue. They obtained 

^ Libri Bullarum, anno 1505, folio 192. 
^ Benjamin of Tudela, Itinerary. Caoursin. 



leave to rebuild this in the autumn ^ But in 1501 the 
Knights thought that they were no longer to be trusted, and 
that their quarter of the city ought to be filled with a 
combatant population : and in spite of the resulting loss to 
the revenue, their expulsion was decreed. On the 9th of 
January 1502 the order was given that all adult Jews of either 
sex in the dominions of the Knights in the Levant, who 
refused baptism, should be shipped off to Nice on the Riviera 
within forty days. During that time they might realize their 
property in land or goods : but if any remained longer, their 
property would be confiscated to the treasury and they would 
themselves be sold as slaves. And the Grand Master was 
empowered to baptize Jews of either sex, who were minors, in 
spite of their parents' protests. The Jews were sent to the 
West to prevent them giving the Turks information about 
Rhodesl On the capture of the city in 1522, the Turks com- 
pelled all the baptized Jews there to return to their old 
faith^ In 1549 the city was chiefly peopled by Jews. They 
were rich, and subscribed to the ransoms of such of their 
brethren as might be captured and sent to the galleys : but 
they avoided property in land, for fear of expulsion. In those 
days (as at present) Christians were not allowed to live in the 
city : but the Turks made the Greeks keep guard by the sea 
at night with lanterns and torches ^ 

Many of the Rhodians who followed the Knights to Crete 
on their expulsion were reduced to extreme poverty : and on 
14th of March 1523 an allowance of half a ducat a month a 
head was made to them by the Knights for their sustenance, 
with further grants in exceptional cases^ One Rhodian, 
Francis Galyardes by name, who had lost all his property in 
land and goods on the taking of the city, received some 
commercial privileges in England^ 

The annual expenditure of the Knights in their last years 

^ Frater Felix Fabri, p. 164 a. 

^ Libri Conciliorum, ann. 1501, 1502, folio 104 tergo. 

Fontanus. ^ Andre Thevet, Cosmographie de Levant, cap. 31. 

^ Libri Conciliorum, ann. 1522 — 1526, folio 21 tergo. 
' Record Office, State Papers, Henry VIII, v. 1794. 



at Rhodes was 97,977 gold ducats. The maintenance of their 
castle in the city with their churches and hospital there and 
of their castle at Halicarnassos, including pay, cost 29,545 
ducats. Their other castles were maintained from the 
revenues of the surrounding lands. The building and repair 
of fortifications in the city and the castles cost 12,500 ducats. 
The maintenance of their three galleys cost 8000 ducats each : 
of the Great Ship of Rhodes, 7000 ducats : and of three 
smaller ships, 6000 and 4000 and 2500 ducats respectively. 
The maintenance of the dockyard cost 2000 ducats, and of 
the gun-foundry 1000 ducats. Ammunition cost 1382 ducats. 
Their annual income was only 47,000 ducats : but the deficit 
was made good by piracy on Turkish shipping. A Rhodian 
pirate could make 10,000 ducats in booty and prisoners during 
a six months' cruise. The Knights took one-tenth of all 
prisoners brought into Rhodes by pirates, and might purchase 
any of the remaining nine-tenths at their own price. They 
always kept rich Turks, who would gladly have paid a large 
ransom, in a miserable state to work at the fortifications with 
little to eat for a year or two, in order to extort the largest 
possible sum. On the other hand, the Knights took no 
prisoners with their own ships ; and were bound to kill all 
Turks, even if they were worth 6000 ducats for ransom. The 
Great Ship of Rhodes was 132 feet long and 44 feet broad : 
she had a mast 132 feet high with a top 44 feet round : and 
she was of double the burden of an ordinary merchant ship. 
Just before the last siege the Knights were building a new 
ship a third larger than this in burden. She carried ten large 
cannons and a hundred smaller: besides 466 guns for the 
crew. There was space on board for 600 fighting men with 
their horses^ 

The crews for the Knights' vessels were taken from one 
class of their subjects, the mari7tarii, who were bound to serve 
on board at a fixed rate of pay. This obligation passed by 
descent through females as well as through males : and in 
this way a large part of the population fell under the authority 

* Pfalzgraf Otto Heinrich, pp. 372 — 375, 392, cd. Rohiicht and Meisner. 



of the Admiral, who was always the chief of the Italian 
Knights. Indeed, no foreigner could marry a Rhodian woman 
without taking the oath of allegiance to the Grand Master and 
thereby binding himself not to remove from the island without 
permission \ In 1462 the marinaria was abolished, and a 
new tax was imposed in its place. All grain that went to be 
ground at any of the windmills in the city or suburbs was to 
pay two denari per modio, or twopence a peck ; and the flour 
was to pay the same on its return. The weight was to be 
taken at the public scales by officials appointed by the 
Admiral. The proceeds of the tax were to be applied to the 
building and equipment of galleys and ships and to the 
payment of their crews, the surplus being applicable to other 
purposes only in cases of urgent necessity. And all vessels 
equipped from this fund were to fly the Admiral's flag as 
well as the Knights' ^ 

The export of guns, powder and saltpetre was forbidden : 
as was the export of horses. The Knights' war-horses were 
examined from time to time ; and if any were found unfit for 
service, their allowance for forage was stopped. No Knight 
might keep a mule for riding unless he were a dignitary, an 
invalid, or over fifty years of age^ 

The character of the Knights Hospitallers had been 
transformed by their conquest of Rhodes in 1309 and their 
succession to the estates of the defunct Knights Templars in 
1 31 2. The Grand Master Villaret at once broke through the 
old statutes defining his office, and began to act as a sovereign 
prince. The Knights however resented this: and in 13 17 
they tried to seize him while away in the interior of the island, 
and then held him besieged in the castle of Lindos ; and 
afterwards decreed his deposition ^ But the matter was 
compromised ; and his successors exercised at Rhodes much 
the same powers as the Doges at Venice. The Order, which 
nominally existed only for the service of the poor and the 

^ Stabilimenta, de Magistro, ix. ^ Libri Bullarum, no. 57, folio 118 tergo. 

3 Stabilimenta, de Consilio, xx, de Fratribus, xvii, Iviii. 

4 Pope John XXII to Fulk de Villaret, 18 Sept. 1317: Tauli, no. 43. 
Oldradus, quasstio cxxviii, on the legal points. 



defence of the Catholic faith and whose members were under 
the three vows of chastity and poverty and obedience^ was 
now reputed to be as wealthy as all the rest of the Church 
together, quite apart from the immense private estates of many 
of the Knights. They now dressed luxuriously and ate rich 
food from gold and silver plate : they rode magnificent horses 
and kept hawks and hounds : and they gave little or nothing 
to the poor^ Sumptuary laws were afterwards passed from 
time to time : any Knight being required, for example, to put 

7 away his concubine on forty days' notice^ But it was said 
that the hardships and dangers in warfare and at sea were 
such that not one Knight in twenty ever attained the age of 

The youthfulness of many of the Knights is remarkable. 
They could be admitted to the Order at fourteen ; and were 
then entitled to reside in the castle and to wear the dress, 
although they did not acquire the full privileges until eighteen. 
The sons of nobles, knights and gentlemen were also received 
into the castle to be instructed in the art of war. The 
Knights' civil dress was black with the eight pointed white 
cross, which was instituted before their expulsion from Pales- 
tine but is now commonly called Maltese : and their fighting 
dress was red with a square white cross^. 

The most curious point in the history of the Order while 
at Rhodes is the rise of the Spanish Knights. At first the 
Order was mainly French ; for the Knights of Provence and 
of Auvergne were as thoroughly French as the Knights of 
France themselves, while there was no bond of union between 
the Knights of Italy, Spain, England and Germany. But in 
1376 a Spaniard was elected Grand Master: he ruled the 
Order for twenty years, and two of his five immediate 
successors were Spaniards : and the latter of these permanently 
increased the Spanish influence by the addition of an eighth 

^ Stabilimenta, de Regula, i. 

^ Pope Clement VI to Helion de Villanova, 6 Aug. 1343 : Pauli, no. 69. 

^ Stabilimenta, de Fratribus, xxxvii. 

* Marcus Montanus, ad Alexandrum VI Pont. Max. oiatio. 

^ Stabilimenta, de Rcceptione Fratrum, iii, viii, xv. 



Nation, Spain being expanded into Castile and Aragon ; and 
this was important, since the voting in the Councils was based 
on the number of Nations and not on the number of Knights. 
The weak point of the division of the Order into Nations, 
Tongues or Languages was that there was always an organized 
body within to support any Grand Master who cared to adopt 
his own country's quarrels, and thus the Order lost the 
advantages of its neutrality ; the policy of a Spanish Grand 
Master, which was for the time being the policy of the Order, 
being thwarted by France, and conversely. Possibly the 
Knights would not have been left to contend alone against 
Sultan Sulaiman in 1522 had I'lle Adam been a Spaniard. 

The Rhodians themselves gained immensely by the arrival 
of the Knights. A friend of Nicephoros Gregoras, who was 
at Rhodes soon after, found the older men of course regretting 
the good old days of lax Byzantine rule but admitting at the 
same time that no enemies. attacked the island now that the 
Knights were there, and that justice prevailed in the market 
place and in the law courts while extortion was almost 
unknown. The climate of the island and the convenience of 
its harbours for foreign merchantmen, enabled rich and poor 
alike to be well supplied with commodities and to lead a very 
comfortable life. The population was still mainly Greek and 
belonging to the orthodox Church \ Afterwards all the 
commercial nations of Europe were represented in the town, 
just as all the military nations were represented in the castle : 
and though most people spoke Greek there, no single language 
was spoken properly, each being corrupted by the others'. 
There are pleasant tales of the vast booty brought into 
Rhodes in the early days of the Knights : how they loaded 
their vessels down to the water's edge with Turkish gold and 
silver and precious goods, and sailed home with such of the 
coarser plunder as would float in tow behind. But the tales 
of the slaughter of Turkish prisoners in cold blood, several 
thousands at a time including women and children, are not 
equally pleasant. It was reported in Rhodes in 1340 that 

1 Nicephoros Gregoras, vol. iii. pp. 11 — 13. 

2 Pfalzgraf Otto Ileinrich, p. 370, ed. Kohricht and Mcisucr. 



after the Turkish defeat of 1320 a devout English lady, who 
chanced to be there on a pilgrimage, had taken a leading part 
in the slaughter of the infidel prisoners\ In the later days of 
the Knights there was a steady trade with the Turks on the 
mainland opposite, carpets and silks being imported in 
exchange for woollen goods'^ On great occasions the ex- 
ternal walls of the houses in the city used to be decorated 
with these Turkey carpets, and also with Flemish tapestries^ 
Perhaps leather was also imported hence : Rhodian boots 
being highly recommended for pilgrims. The machines for 
hatching eggs by artificial heat would have been introduced 
from Egypt*. 

Rhodians were not admitted Knights : but natives of 
Rhodes, born of gentle parents belonging to the West, were 
held admissible on obtaining letters of naturalization from 
their fathers' States^ According to an unfriendly critic, the 
Rhodian Greeks were of little service in the siege of 1522: the 
men swaggering about with swords and boasting freely but 
shirking all danger; the women weeping and tearing their 
hair and smearing their faces with mud, although capable of 
heroism under sudden impulse ; while the boys were only 
distinguished by a massacre of pet dogs which unduly con- 
sumed the failing supplies^ 

The Rhodians were much concerned in 1480 and in 1522 
with those tales of spies and traitors that fill so much space in 
the contemporary narratives^ of both sieges. A citizen of 
good family who had wasted his property and then gone 
off to the Turks with a grudge against his home, was believed 
to have caused the first siege by persuading Palseologos that 
the strength of Rhodes was over-rated. He was supported 
by a Greek from Euboea who had once lived at Rhodes, but 

^ Ludolphus de Sudheim, Archives de I'Orient Latin, tome i. documents, 
PP- 333> 334- ^ Fontanus. 

3 Caoursin, de casu regis Zyzymy, de translatione Sacras Dextrse. 

* Bernhardt von Breydenbach, p. 131, Pfalzgraf Otto Heinrich, p. 387, ed. 
Rohricht and Meisner. 

5 L'lle Adam to the Marechal de Montmorency, 18 Oct. 1524: printed in the 
Negociations de la France dans le Levant, vol. i. p. 135. 

^ Fontanus. Caoursin, Guichard, Bourbon, Fontanus. 



had gone over to the Turks after the capture of his native 
island ; and also by a German engineer named George, a 
really able man, who had deserted to the Turks from the 
Genoese garrison in Chios. This last had been at Rhodes 
some twenty years before and had then made a plan of the 
fortifications : and it was his argument that the walls could 
not resist a battering from heavy guns that decided Sultan 
Muhammad to sanction the projects of Palaeologos. Early in 
the siege George deserted to the Knights. It was suspected 
from the first that he had come in as a spy; and the suspicion 
was increased by warnings against him that were continually 
being shot in on arrows, though these may well have been 
sent by the Turks to discount his report on their forces. He 
was accordingly kept under surveillance ; and when his advice 
about some artillery proved disastrous, he was arrested : and 
having admitted under torture that he meant to throw in his 
lot with the winning side, he was hanged, greatly to the 
delight of the populace. It was also believed that Palaeologos 
had sanctioned an abortive plot to poison the Grand Master. 
The Turks, it was said, obtained information for the second 
siege from some merchants of Patmos who had lately been to 
Rhodes with corn ; and also (by torture) from a Rhodian, the 
purser of the Knights' galleys, who was kidnapped and carried 
up to Constantinople : and they received reports through 
Chios from a Jewish physician who had been sent to Rhodes 
by Sultan Salim. This man was baptized there and acquired 
a good position ; and during the siege he kept the Turks well 
informed until he was seen shooting out an arrow and was 
duly executed. A little later the garrison was disquieted by 
a message from the commandant of Pheraclos that certain 
magnates were communicating with the enemy. The captain 
of the city, a citizen of wealth and position who had been 
nominated ambassador to Constantinople just before the siege 
and had since shown much zeal in the defence, was dragged 
to prison by some Cretan mercenaries on a charge of shooting 
out an arrow at a suspicious time and place ; and having 
incautiously said that, if a relieving force did not arrive, it 
might be well to make terms with the Sultan by payment of 



some tribute and the release of the Turkish slaves, he was 
detained there. A friend of the Grand Master, a gentleman 
of Ragusa, was also dragged to prison by a mob which 
considered that he took too much interest in the counter- 
mines ; but he was released. . Another citizen was charged 
with sending information to Mustafa and Ahmad by a lad 
who used to go to their camp disguised as a girl. At last 
another baptized Jew, a servant of Andrea d' Amaral the 
Chancellor of the Order, was seen shooting out an arrow ; and 
he stated under torture that this was only one of several 
arrows that he had shot out with messages to the enemy from 
his master. The Chancellor was forthwith arrested and sent 
to Fort S. Nicholas. The servant adhered to his statement, 
which was corroborated by a Greek priest who had seen him 
shooting out a message and the Chancellor standing by ; and 
there was the suspicious fact that a Turkish slave of the 
Chancellor's who had gone to Constantinople a year or so 
before as if he had been ransomed, had afterwards returned to 
his master at Rhodes. On such evidence the Chancellor was 
condemned ; and, his servant having first been executed, he 
was expelled from the Order, and then beheaded and quar- 
tered at the place whence the arrow was shot. The Jew- 
ish physician had died like a good Christian ; but Andrea 
d' Amaral was wholly impenitent, and scandalized the devout, 
when they brought him a figure of the Virgin on his way to 
execution, by bidding them take away that log. An able and 
daring man himself, he had been disgusted by the election of 
the over-cautious I'lle Adam as Grand Master and had 
publicly stated that the Order was going to the devil, and 
throughout he had been an unfriendly critic of his superior's 
policy. Possibly he had made up his mind that the Grand 
Master would lose the city, and imagined a greater career for 
himself as Pasha of Rhodes than as the possible chief of a 
homeless Order. Since the explosion which destroyed S. 
John's Church in 1856, a statement has gained currency that 
Andrea d' Amaral treacherously concealed a store of powder 
in the vaults below to hasten the capitulation of the city, and 
that this was the powder which caused the explosion. But 



the complaint against him was not that he had concealed any 
powder during the siege, but that he had been remiss in 
bringing in powder beforehand. And if he had concealed 
any, this treachery would inevitably have been discovered in 
the interval between his execution on the 8th of November 
and the evacuation of the city on the ist of January follow- 
ing. And powder could not have been concealed by anyone 
in such a well-known place as the vaults below S. John's. 
But the spies and traitors were not all on the side of the 
enemy. Besides the statements that they extracted by 
threats from various Turks whom they kidnapped, the 
garrison received plenty of information from deserters and 
from friendly voices in the trenches, and from billets that 
came in on arrows ; and, amusingly enough, it would seem 
that Mustafa himself had been shooting information into the 
city just before he was sent to Cairo in disgrace, and was 
contemxplating desertion to the Knights. A near relative of 
Ahmad was already in the city, an Albanian, a clever fellow 
and a linguist, who might have been very useful; but a Greek 
officer struck him in the face, and then he went off to his own 
people. These are tales of an age when the vanquished 
never were beaten, but always were betrayed. 



In the reign of Diocletian, Clement of Ancyra was sent 
bound from Rome to Nicomedeia, and on his way he came to 
Rhodes. It was the Lord's day, and the few Christians that 
dwelt in the island were gathered together in their church : 
and when Photeinos their bishop heard of the coming of 
Clement and of Agathangelos who went with him and of all 
that they had suffered for their faith, he straightway went 
down with many of the Christians to where the ship lay and 
persuaded the guard to loosen the bonds of their prisoners 
and suffer them to come to the church ; and they all went up 
thither chanting hymns as they went. Then was the gospel 
read bidding them fear not them which kill the body but are 
not able to kill the soul ; and this ended, Clement began to 
perform the mystic oblation, and as he prayed a miracle was 
seen by many of them there present, to wit, by such of them 
as were worthy to behold these things; for upon the holy 
table was seen a glowing ember of fire, and in the air above 
a multitude of angels. Afterward they ate together in the 
church ; but the fame of the miracle spread throughout the 
city so that the people brought the sick to Clement, and 
many were healed in body and many were baptized. But 
the guard, seeing the favour of the people toward Clement 
and fearing they would release him, bound him again and 
brought him to the ship\ 

^ Acta Sanctorum, 23 January, 464, 476. 



The Severian heresy, which belongs to the Second Century, 
is said to have appeared first at Rhodes, and several of the 
arguments used against it by Euphranon, bishop of Rhodes, 
have been recorded : when these failed, he excommunicated 
his opponents. The Pelagian heresy prevailed there in 415. 
And about that time the heresiarch Sabbatios died there in 
exile \ 

A monk named Procopios, who had the gift of prophecy 
and the power of casting out devils, was dwelling at Rhodes 
when Porphyrios, bishop of Gaza, came there in 401 on his 
way to Constantinople to appeal to the Empress Eudoxia 
against the Pagans in his diocese. The bishop heard of the 
holy man, and forthwith went in a boat to the solitary place 
where his cell was to greet him : and the monk prophesied 
that it would be less expedient to speak with the Empress 
through John Chrysostom the bishop than through Amantius 
the eunuch, and many other things, all which came to pass. 
Porphyrios came again to Rhodes as he returned hom^e, and 
greatly desired to see Procopios once more ; but the captain 
of the ship would not stay there even for three hours, for the 
wind was very good ; and when the bishop said, Peradventure 
by the intercession of the holy man the wind may be still 
better, the captain was wroth and as soon as the ship had 
taken in fresh water he set sail. But presently there arose a 
tempest with thunder and lightning and great waves wherein 
the ship laboured : and the bishop continued in prayer all 
night, for the tempest ceased not, but toward dawn he fell 
asleep for very weariness and then in a vision he saw 
Procopios saying unto him, Behold, the captain is infected 
with the execrable heresy of the Arians ; but he shall readily 
be convinced of his error, and then shall the tempest abate. 
Then said the bishop to the captain, Let the heresy of 
Arius be Anathema, and so shall the ship be saved : and the 
captain marvelled that the bishop had cognizance of his 
heresy and deemed that he must have the gift of prophecy, 
wherefore he received from him the true faith. And the 

^ Proedestinatus, i. 24, on the Severians ; Jerome, in Jeremiam, iv. praef. on 
the Pelagians; Socrates, hist. eccl. vii. 25, on Sabbatios. 



waves began to go down, and toward sunset the wind changed, 
and they came safely to Gaza\ 

Before the close of the Fourth Century the bishops of 
Rhodes, who had hitherto been of equal rank with the other 
bishops of the islands, became metropolitans of a province 
which then contained twelve bishoprics, namely those of 
Samos, Chios, Cos, Naxos, Thera, Paros, Leros, Andros, 
Tenos, Melos, Pissyna and Rhodes itself, and ranked as 
the Thirtieth or Thirty-first Province. At the close of the 
Ninth Century the province contained fifteen bishoprics, 
Andros having been withdrawn, and Icaria, Astypalaea, 
Tracheia and Nisyros having been added ; and was the 
Thirty-eighth Province. In May 1083 Naxos and Paros were 
withdrawn to form a new province, the Seventy-ninth, of 
which Naxos was the metropolitan church. By the close of 
the Thirteenth Century the Province of Rhodes had become 
the Forty-fifthl 

As to the bishops of Rhodes. Bishop Euphrosynos 
was at the Council of Nicaea in 325. Bishop Hellanicos 
was at the Council of Ephesos in 431. At the Council, 
commonly called the Latrocinium, held there in 449 bishop 
John was present and formally accepted the opinions of the 
majority. He appeared by a deputy, Tryphon, bishop of 
Chios, at the first sitting of the Council held at Chalcedon in 
45 1 to annul the decrees of the Latrocinium ; at the second 
sitting he did not appear by deputy or in person : but at the 
third sitting he appeared in person and assented to the 
deposition of Dioscoros, who had presided at the Latrocinium; 
and he afterwards signed the decrees, but it is not clear 
whether he affixed his own signature or authorized Tryphon 
to sign for him. In 457 bishop Agapetos, among other 
metropolitans, was consulted by the Emperor Leo the Great 
on certain ecclesiastical questions and was directed to 
assemble his suffragans to frame a collective reply : but 
the severity of the winter hindered the bishops of the out- 

^ Acta Sanctorum, 26 February, 651, 654. 

- Porphyrogenitos, vol. i. pp. 793, 797, Notitiae Episcopatuum, ad calcem 
Codini, pp. 338, 349, 366, 378, 379, 394, 395, 401. 



lying islands in their journeys to Rhodes, and a reply was 
sent off by Agapetos alone. He was at the Council of 
Constantinople in 459. When Epiphanios was made 
Patriarch of Constantinople in 520, bishop Esaias was one 
of the signatories of the epistle of the synod to Pope 
Hormisdas announcing the election. The excesses of Esaias, 
who seems once to have been chief of the nocturnal police at 
Constantinople, in 528 brought down on him the vengeance 
of Justinian : but it is not clear whether he was deposed, 
mutilated, and subjected to public penance, or merely 
tortured and sent into exile. Bishop Theodosios was at the 
Council of Constantinople in 553. At the Council held there 
in 681 bishop Isidoros was present at the tenth and subsequent 
sittings, and signed on behalf of himself and his suffragans 
the epistle of the Council to Pope Agathon. At the Council 
of Nicaea in 787 bishop Leo, who had sided with the 
Iconoclasts, was present at the first sitting, but was not 
allowed to take his seat till he had retracted. On entering 
he said that he was now convinced that there should be 
eikons in the churches as had been the custom from the 
times of the Apostles onward. And how was it that he had 
been a bishop for eighteen years and had not been convinced 
of that before ? That was because the error had been taught 
for long. But a bishop should not need teaching : he should 
rather be a teacher of others. Yes : but if those who were 
under the law had not sinned, there had been no need of 
grace. Certainly: but we are not under the law but under 
grace. Leo afterwards read a written retractation ; and at 
subsequent sittings of the Council he took his seat and 
anathematized all those who still shared his former opinions. 
Bishop Michael was at the Council of Constantinople which 
condemned Photios in 869: and bishop Leontios was at the 
Council held there by Photios in 879. The statement that 
the bishop of Rhodes who attended this last Council was 
named Andreas may be traced to the fact that this Council 
was mentioned by the Rhodian archbishop of that name at 
the Council of Florence in 1438. Bishop Nicephoros was at 
the Council of Constantinople in 1147: a bishop of Rhodes, 




whose name is not known, was at the Council held there in 
1 156: and bishop Leo was at the Council held there in 11 66, 
and had some trouble in proving his orthodoxy. A bishop 
of Rhodes, whose name is not known, was one of the signa- 
tories of the epistle to Pope Gregory X. as to the union of the 
Greek and Latin Churches in 1274, and was one of the 
metropolitans to whom the Papal reply was addressed \ 

When Chosrau conquered Egypt in 616, John the Almoner, 
who was then Patriarch of Alexandria, being mindful of the 
saying, When they persecute you in this city, flee ye into 
another, fled to Cyprus ; and thence he would have gone to 
Constantinople, but at Rhodes there appeared to him, in no 
dream but in very fact, a eunuch of radiant form bearing a 
golden sceptre, who said, Come, for the King of Kings calleth 
thee : and he returned as far as Cyprus and there he died^ 

There are three epigrams by a certain Constantine of 
Lindos, two of them on a crucifix that he set up at Lindos 
and the other on an eikon of the Virgin. They are common- 
place enough, but curious in that they date from about 900, 
one of them having clearly been written between the birth of 
Porphyrogenitos in 905 and the death of Leo the Philosopher 
in 911". Only two inscriptions of the Byzantine period have 
yet been found in the island. They are both from votive 
offerings ; one of Sabbatios, a humble presbyter and monk by 
whose zeal and service 'was accomplished (under God) the 
whole work of the most holy church ; the other of Philip, the 
captain of a ship*. 

The statement that Eudo of Aquitaine founded a monastery 

1 Collectio Conciliorum (ed. Mansi) ii. 695, 700, on Euphrosynos, iv. 11 24, 
1141, 1213, 1364, V. 612, vi. 871, on Hellanicos, vi. 568, 608, 854, 914, 977, 1054, 
1084, vii. 432, on John, vii. 523, 580 ff. 917, on Agapetos, viii. 492, on Esaias, ix. 
174, 192, 390, on Theodosios, xi. 389, 457, 520, 552, 585, 604, 613, 623, 628, 644, 
672, 692, on Isidoros, xii. 1015, 1018, 1019, 1050, ii5i,xiii. 137, 365, 384, on Leo, 
xvi. 18, 37, 44, 54, 75, 82, 97, 144, 158, 191, on Michael, xvii. 373, on Leontios, 
xxi. 705, on Nicephoros, xxiv. 75, 79, for 1274. Nicetas Choniata, Thesauros, ed. 
Migne, p. 149, for 1156, pp. 237, 240, 252, 256, 260, 269 for 1166. Also, 
Theophanes, vol. i. p. 271, Malalas, p. 436, Cedren, vol. i. p. 645, on Esaias. 

2 Acta Sanctorum, 23 January, 515, 529. 
^ Anthologia Palatina, xv. 15 — 17. 

* Printed in the Biilldin dc Corrcspondnncc Helleniijtie for 1885, pp. 123, 124. 



in the island of Rhodes and was buried there when he died in 
735 would be very interesting, were it not that the monastery 
in which Eudo was buried is in the He de Rhe in the Bay of 
Biscay. Still, there were many other monasteries in Rhodes. 
The Emperor Stephen was sent to one of these in 945 when 
his brother compelled him to become a monk : curiously, he 
had married one of the Gabalas family. In 1190 the English 
Crusaders found several monasteries still flourishing, though 
no longer filled with the former crowds of monks. About 
1266 a Rhodian monk named Ignatios was one of the chief 
adherents of the Patriarch Arsenios : and the Patriarch 
Athanasios of Alexandria found a peaceful retreat at Rhodes 
from 1 29 1 till 1293 during his quarrel with his namesake the 
Patriarch of Constantinople. Later on, the monastic character 
of the Knights seems to have struck the Byzantines, for they 
style the Grand Master the dpxi^p^y^ or arch-priest, and 
apply the terms va^ripaloL or Nazarites and (ppepioL or friars 
to the Knights themselves \ 

In 1269 there came to the Church of the Sepulchre at 
Jerusalem a knight who bore with him an arm of Philip the 
Apostle, which he had won from the Greeks on the mount at 
Rhodes, at the monastery where the Apostle's body lay, what 
time King Louis went crusading: and he brought credible 
witnesses and letters under the seal of the bishop of Sparta 
certifying that this was indeed Saint Philip's arm^ And this 
relic was carried to the abbey church of S. Remi at Rheims, 
where it might be seen until the troubles of 1793. The 
mount at Rhodes was presumably Phileremos, where there 
was much fighting in 1248 and 1249 after the capture of the 
city by the Genoese. The popular mediaeval notion that 
Rhodes took its name from the finding of a rosebud when the 
foundations of the city were laid (which can be traced back to 
Isidore of Seville^ at the beginning of the Seventh Century) 

1 Acta Sanctorum, 23 October, 132, on Eudo; Leon Grammaticos, pp. 322, 
330, Theophanis continuator, pp. 422, 438, and others, on Stephen ; Itinerarium 
Regis Richardi, ii. 27, as to the monasteries 5 Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 295, on 
Ignatios, vol. ii. p. 203, on Athanasios. 

^ Archives de I'Orient Latin, tome ii. documents, p. 179. 

^ Isidoros Ilispalensis, etyinologrse, xiv. 6. 



seems to be repeated in the tale that John Baptist's head was 
found in digging a well where the Church of Saint John of 
the Fountain afterwards stood \ But the tale may be of 
older date than the conquest of Rhodes by the Knights of 
Saint John the Baptist : for it is stated in the Chronicle 
ascribed to Benedict of Peterborough, and in other Chronicles 
copied from it, that during the Third Crusade Philip of France 
tarried some days in the city of Rhodes, which Herod built, 
who also cut off John Baptist's head : and thence the king 
went to Nineveh, which city is in the said island of Rhodes. 
The chronicler may merely have been reading of the visits 
of Herod to Rhodes which are three times mentioned by 
Josephus : but it is curious that the city should thus have 
been connected with John the Baptist more than a century 
before it became the home of the Knights. It is equally 
curious that the Manor of Rhode in Germany should have 
been granted to the Knights in 1272 long before they thought 
of going to the island. Possibly there was a place called 
Nineveh in Rhodes just as there was a place called Jerusalem 
in Cephalonia. 

A Latin archbishopric of Rhodes with suffragan bishoprics 
in the surrounding islands was formed, soon after the conquest 
by the Knights, on the model of the Latin ecclesiastical 
province of Cyprus. The official style of the archbishops was 
ArchiepiscopiLs Colossensis, presumably to distinguish them 
plainly from the Greek metropolitan bishops of Rhodes : but 
they were often called simply archbishops of Rhodes. The 
Greek bishop's palace with its bakery and bath was trans- 
ferred to the Latin archbishop : and the Greek metropolitan 
church became the Latin cathedral ; but the equipment for 
the Cathedral was obtained from another source. When 
Beyrut had been taken by the Saracens, the vestments, books, 
chalices, crosses, censers and the like, belonging to the 
Cathedral there had been saved, and were now preserved at 
Nicosia in Cyprus : and the use of these was granted to the 
archbishops of Rhodes till such time as Beyrut should be 

1 Jorg Pfintzing, p. 69, ed. Rohricht and Mcisner. 



reconquered. It would seem that the Archbishopric was 
endowed with a moiety of all the ecclesiastical revenues of 
Rhodes except those arising from the churches of the Knights: 
and that this moiety amounted annually to 8000 byzants or 
1 23 1 gold florins. As yet this Archbishopric was not of the 
first rank. Thus in 1324 archbishop Balianus was translated 
to Spalato, bishop Bernard of Cos being translated to Rhodes. 
And thus again in 1361 archbishop Hugo was translated to 
Ragusa, the vacancy at Rhodes being filled by Emmanuel of 
Famagusta, a Dominican, who died only three years after- 
wards and was succeeded by bishop William of Nisyros\ The 
statement that in 1238 Guy of Greece, a Dominican, who was 
a canon of the church Colossensis, was elected pastor by the 
chapter and duly confirmed by the Pope, has been understood 
to refer to an election to the Archbishopric ; but it seems 
rather to refer to the Priorate of S. John's Church, and must 
in any case be misdated^ 

Meanwhile the Greeks of Rhodes were disturbed by the 
Palamite heresy : several nice points as to the nature of the 
divine essence having been raised by the question of the 
identity of the light seen on Mount Tabor at the Transfigura- 
tion with that which now glowed from the navels of the monks 
of Mount Athos. In 1347 the Greek church in Rhodes sent 
an epistle to Constantinople anathematizing Palamas and all 
his followers^ But Neilos, the Greek metropolitan of Rhodes, 
was himself a Palamite : and although he did not himself 
attend the Council held at Constantinople in 135 1 to condemn 
the opponents of Palamas, he places this Council next to that 
of 869 as the ninth CEcumenical Council, ignoring those of 
the Lateran, Lyons and Vienne^ 

Now it came to pass that certain priests were carried ofT 
by the Saracens from Crete to Spain, and their father in God 
journeyed to Chandax and thence took ship to Rhodes to 
treat through the chief men of that place concerning their 

1 Archives de I'Orient Latin, tome i. nos. 23, 37, 54, 143, 153, pp. 264 ff. 

2 Plodius, apud Fontanam, monum. Dom. p. 42. 
2 Nicephoros Gregoras, vol. ii. p. 787. 

* Neilos, de synodis oecumenicis novem. 


ransom. And when he despaired of them, forasmuch as there 
was war in Spain, he was bidden by a Rhodian priest named 
Antonius and then by Neilos the metropohtan bishop of 
Rhodes to go to the monastery of the martyr Phanurios and 
he should certainly be helped. Thither he went, and scarce 
had he vowed an offering to the martyr for his aid when there 
came a man saying he had seen the captives in their prison in 
Spain and they would certainly be ransomed : wherefore he 
carried back to Crete eikons of Phanurios, such as were held 
in veneration throughout the island of Rhodes. Now concern- 
ing Phanurios, who he was or when he suffered or wherefore 
the Rhodians honoured him, nothing is known : but many 
were the wonders that he wrought thereafter in Crete \ 

Another Rhodian priest named Antonius appears in the 
last days of the Byzantines as an advocate of Notaras in 
his rivalry with Phrantzes. According to the last of the 
Emperors, he had not a scrap of sense or tact, in spite of his 
imposing presence^ 

The union of the Greek and Latin Churches in 1439 
was largely due to archbishop Andreas of Rhodes. He 
was a Greek by birth and education, but he went over to 
the Latins : and thenceforth the dream of his life was the 
subjection of the Greeks to Rome. At the Council of 
Constance he was already a personage of importance, signing 
the concordat of the 14th of February 141 6 (for the sub- 
mission of Pope Benedict XIIL and the reconstitution of 
the Council) as deputy for the Emperor Sigismund. As 
archbishop of Rhodes he had access alike to the Byzantine 
court and to the Vatican ; and he took a leading part in 
the negotiations which preceded the Council of Ferrara 
and Florence. He had appeared at the Council of Basle 
in 1432 as Papal legate: and at F'errara in 1438 he was 
chosen to reply on behalf of the Latins to Bessarion's 
opening speech, and in the earlier sittings of the Council 
he sustained the brunt of the argument against Bessarion 
and Mark of Ephesos upon the Filio-Que Clause. But 

^ Acta Sanctorum, 27 May, 692 ff. 
2 riiraiitzcs, pp. 230, 231. 



his speeches were of immense length, and were considered 
verbose and irrelevant : and although he was one of the 
six appointed advocates of the Latins, he seems to have 
had a hint about this, for in the later sittings his remarks 
were infrequent and curt. But he was present throughout, 
and in 1439 after the adjournment to Florence he signed 
the decree for the union of the Churches. Nathanael, the 
Greek metropolitan of Rhodes, was also present throughout ; 
and signed the decree for the union all the more readily 
in that he was one of those metropolitans who intended to 
rely on the argument, that if there was to be but one 
Church there need be but one hierarchy, for the expulsion 
of the Latin prelates from the Greek provinces \ But while 
Andreas was sent to the East to promote the union of the 
Armenian and Coptic Churches with the Latin, the Rhodian 
Greeks repudiated the Florentine decrees : some casting doubts 
on their authenticity and others denouncing them as un- 
orthodox. The Latins were however in a position to enforce 
these decrees in Rhodes ; and in 1447 the Papal legate in 
the Levant was instructed to proceed against the recalcitrant 
Greeks as heretics, and if necessary to invoke the secular 

The claims of the two Churches in Rhodes were adjusted 
in 1474 by an agreement concluded by Giuliano Ubaldini 
the Latin archbishop with Metrophanes the Greek metro- 
politan under the sanction of the Grand Master and Knights : 
the Latins renouncing all privileges previously obtained from 
the Popes. The archbishop was to be styled archbishop of 
Rhodes as well as of Colossse, while the metropolitan was 
to be styled only metropolitan of the Greeks of Rhodes. 
Ubaldini was bound to confirm Metrophanes in the Metro- 
politanate as his suffragan on receiving from him an oath 
of fealty to Saint Peter and the Holy Roman Church and 
the archbishop for the time being. On a vacancy, the new 

^ Sylvester Sguropulos, Historia Concilii Florentini, ii. 5, 14, vi. 13, 17 — 21, 
X. 14. Collectio Conciliorum, xxvii. 817, xxix. 468 — 48i,xxxi. 475, 495, 507 — 520, 
551—600, 997, 1035, 1036. 

^ Raynaldus, 1441, no. 6, 1445, no. 21, 1447, no. 27. 



metropolitan was to be selected by the Grand Master from 
two or three priests to be nominated by the Greeks : and 
the archbishop was bound to confirm the metropolitan so 
selected on receiving the oath of fealty, and to permit his 
consecration by the Greeks according to the Greek rite. 
The archbishop and metropolitan were bound jointly to 
institute all priests presented by the Grand Master or by 
private patrons to Greek benefices. They were jointly to 
hear and determine all criminal charges against the Greek 
clergy and the matrimonial causes of the Greeks living in 
the city ; all other suits in which the Greek clergy might 
be involved being decided by the Castellan or the Bailiff 
of Commerce in the ordinary way : and they were empowered 
to make use of the jail and the officers of the Castellan's 
Court in carrying out their joint sentences\ This agreement 
did not thoroughly satisfy the Greeks ; for on the negotia- 
tions for the restoration of Rhodes to the Knights in 1525 
the priests made it a condition that no Latin prelate should 
have authority over the Greek metropolitan and his clergy 
or in the matrimonial causes of the Greeks^ 

In the siege of 1522 the archbishop and the metropolitan 
used fearlessly to exhort the people, cross in hand, in the 
midst of the fighting: and their clergy and the monks all 
fought well. This archbishop was Leonardo Balestrini of 
Genoa, a theologian and a brilliant speaker with a mar- 
vellous memory : and the metropolitan was Clement, an 
austere, clever man I It was Clement who carried the news 
of the capitulation to the Pope*. There were afterwards 
Latin archbishops in partibus until 1797, when Rhodes was 
attached to the ecclesiastical province of Malta. The Greek 
metropolitans continue. 

The chief among the many relics^ preserved at Rhodes 
were the right hand of John Baptist : one of the three bronze 
crosses made by the Empress Helena from the basin in 

^ Libri Bullarum, no. 67, folio 196. 

2 British Museum, Otho, C. 9. ^ Fontanus. 

■* Pope Adrian VI to I'lle Adam, 9 April 1523: Pauli, no. 163. 
* Stabilimcnla, dc Ecclesia, i. 



which Christ washed the Apostles' feet : a cross made from 
the True Cross : a fragment of the Crown of Thorns, which 
budded yearly on Good Friday : and one of the thirty pieces 
of silver; wax impressions of which, if made by the priest 
in Passion Week, were efficacious in travail of child-birth 
and in peril by sea. In 1480 John Tucher of Nuremberg 
made a mould of this with which he afterwards struck copies : 
there was a head on the obverse and a lily on the reverse 
with traces of an inscription \ It is not otherwise known 
that this type of the Florentine coinage was already in use 
in the days of Judas Iscariot. To the Knights themselves, 
their patron saint's right hand was naturally the chief of 
all the relics. Its history was this. Luke the Evangelist 
desired to remove John Baptist's body from Caesarea where 
his disciples had buried it, and with their aid he opened 
the tomb. But the body was too great to be removed 
secretly ; wherefore he took the right hand, forasmuch as 
therewith had Christ been baptized : and this he carried 
to Antioch, and charged devout men with its care. After 
a space Julian the Apostate made diligent search for this 
relic, and would have burnt it : but the hand was not harmed 
by the fire. And when Justinian dedicated the Church of 
the Divine Wisdom (the Hagia Sophia) at Constantinople, 
this relic was brought thither: but afterwards it was sent 
again to Antioch, for the people there prized it greatly 
seeing that it wrought many miracles. For every year in 
September on Holy Cross Day the patriarch carried it in 
procession to a public place ; and when he elevated it in 
the presence of the people, it stretched out its fingers if 
the coming year were to be fruitful, but if sterile it closed 
them together. At other times the forefinger remained 
pointing, Ecce Agmis Dei. Moreover a dragon haunted the 
country round Antioch, and the people appeased the monster 
yearly after the manner of the Pagans with the sacrifice of 
one of their number on whom the lot fell. But at last the 
lot fell on a maid whose father greatly venerated the holy 

^ Fiater Felix Fabri, p. 163, A, B. 



relic. Making as though he would kiss the hand, he bit off 
a fragment from the thumb : and when his daughter was led 
out to sacrifice, he cast this fragment into the dragon's jaws ; 
and the monster straightway choked and perished. Then the 
people praised John Baptist and built a greater church for his 
hand: and the mark on the thumb remained for a memorial. 
So they of Antioch denied this relic to Constantine Porphyro- 
genitos. But Job, a deacon of the church, carried the hand 
secretly to Constantinople to the presence of the Emperor : 
and the feast of its translation was thenceforth held there 
on the fifth day of January. And when Constantinople was 
taken by the Turks, the treasures of the churches passed to 
Sultan Muhammad : and afterwards when Sultan Bajazet 
desired to do the Knights a pleasure, that they might not up- 
hold Jem in rebellion against him, certain renegades counselled 
him to send them their patron saint's right hand ; and he 
packed it in silk in a chest of cypress wood, and sent it with 
envoys to Rhodes. Here some doubted whether among all 
the reputed right hands of John Baptist this were truly his, or 
whether indeed any part of his body had escaped destruction : 
but their doubts were refuted. On the 23rd of May 1484, 
four years from the day of the Turkish landing on Rhodes, the 
Prior of S. John's Church followed by the clergy both Greek 
and Latin, the Knights, and the merchants and citizens and 
their wives, went in procession to the Grand Master's Palace 
where the hand reposed in a reliquary of carved ivory and 
crystal on the altar in S. Catherine's chapel. Receiving it from 
the Grand Master, the Prior carried it in procession round the 
city to the Square, which had been roofed in with awnings 
while the houses there had been hung with tapestries and 
carpets. In front of the Court of Commerce the hand was 
exposed to the assembled populace and its history expounded 
to them : and then it was carried to its resting place in S. 
John's Church\ This hand, the cross made from the True 
Cross, and the picture of Our Lady of Phileremos were the 
three relics carried away from Malta in 1798 by the last 
Grand Master. They are now in Russia. The Knights 

^ Caouisin, de translationc Sacr?e Dcxtrrc. 



apparently found this picture already at Phileremos on their 
arrival in Rhodes : and when it was carried into the city in 
times of danger, it was placed in S. Mark's, which was not one 
of the Knights' churches but seems rather to have been 
founded before their arrival by the Venetians under the treaty 
of 1234. But afterwards the Church on Phileremos belonged 
to the Knights : and when several people were killed in S. 
Mark's by a cannon ball in the siege of 1522, while praying 
before the altar on which the picture was placed, the picture 
was carried for greater security to S. Catherine's chapel in the 
Grand Master's Palace \ The picture was famed for miracles, 
particulars of which are not forthcoming ; and few of the 
pilgrims who touched at Rhodes fail to record a visit to 
Phileremos. It was to visit this picture in S. Mark's that the 
Grand Master d'Aubusson and the Knights rode in triumphal 
procession through the city in 1480 after repulsing the first 
assault of the Turks on Fort S. Nicholas^ 

The chief churches of the Knights at Rhodes were those of 
S. John Colossensis, which must not be confused with the 
cathedral church Colossensis, S. Antony outside the walls to 
the north, S. John of the Fountain outside the walls to the 
south, and Our Lady of Mount Phileremos. The church of 
Our Lady of Victory was added to these soon after the siege 
of 1480. It was built in the Jewry by the Grand Master (now 
Cardinal) d'Aubusson on the ground cleared for the retrench- 
ment behind the breach. The Turks were finally repulsed here 
on the 27th of July: and this being the feast of S. Pantaleon in 
the Greek calendar, the Grand Master built another church 
here for the Greek rite under the patronage of that saint^ 
Both these churches were partly pulled down during the siege 
of 1522 to make way for a new retrenchment^ This Grand 
Master also added to the endowments of the Greek metro- 
politan church in the city, and of the Greek churches of Our 
Lady of Lindos and of Our Lady of Apollona^ According 
to Bondelmonte, this last was famed for its miracles. 

^ Bourbon. ^ Caoursin, Obsidionis Rhodiae urbis descriptio. 

' Stabilimenta, de Ecclesia, xxxvi, xxxix. * Bourbon. 

^ Llbri BuUarum, no. 75, folio 195. 


The great mediaeval miracle of Rhodes was accomplished on 
the 27th of July 1480. After the Turks had stormed the breach 
and were actually within the city, the Grand Master unfurled 
before them a standard bearing for a device Christ Crucified 
between the Blessed Virgin and John Baptist : and forthwith 
they beheld a cross shining in the sky, and moreover a virgin 
armed with shield and spear and a man clothed in vile raiment 
coming with a glorious company to guard the city ; and at 
this sight their courage departed, and they fled headlong turn- 
ing their arms against themselves \ The Turks explained the 
flight of their troops by a tale that Emmanuel Palasologos, like 
a true Greek, after inciting his men by hopes of plunder, 
forbade pillage directly he thought the city taken, and thereby 
prematurely chilled their zeal^ The Christian explanation 
recalls the repulse of Mithridates from the walls of Rhodes by 
a spectre of Isis^ : but it is hard to say how the unexpected 
display of such a standard might have affected the Janizaries, 
who were always the sons of Christian parents. In the siege 
of 1522 the Turks were seized with a similar panic at the 
assault on the breach of England on the 9th of September 
on the appearance of the Grand Master with the standard of 
the cross. During the great assault of the 24th of September 
a figure was seen on the roof of S. John's Church waving a 
banner and exhorting the combatants. The people deemed 
that this was none other than John Baptist : and when they 
found that it was merely the Prior's French cook, who had 
chosen a perfectly safe place for a display of his valour, they 
accused him of making signals to the enemy and nearly tore 
him to pieces*. 

^ Caoursin, Obsidionis Rhodiae urbis descriptio. 

2 Haji Khalifeh, 18. 

^ Appian, de bello Mithridatico, 27. 

* Fontanus. 



The Colossos was broken up by Muawiyeh in 653 and the 
metal carried off to Syria, where it was put up to auction and 
knocked down to a Jew from Ur of the Chaldees. The 
amount of the successful bid is unrecorded. The Byzantine 
writers state that Muawiyeh pulled down the Colossos, and 
Abu-el-Faraj even states that he pulled it down with hawsers. 
When Strabo and the elder Pliny were at Rhodes, it was 
lying on the ground as it had fallen after the earthquake. 
Some of the Byzantine chroniclers however state that it was 
set up again during Vespasian's reign ; that in Hadrian's 
time it was moved ; and that Commodus replaced the head 
of Helios by his own. These chroniclers have confused the 
Colossos of Rhodes with the colossal statue of Nero at 
Rome. Vespasian set up that statue on a new site when 
he pulled down the Golden House, at the same time 
replacing the head of the obnoxious Emperor by a head 
of Helios : then Hadrian moved it from its new site to 
the existing pedestal near the Colosseum, to make way 
for his Temple of Venus and Roma: and finally Commodus 
took off the head of Helios that Vespasian had put on, and 
set his own in its place. The statement of Porphyrogenitos 
that the Colossos of Rhodes was of gilt bronze and 120 feet 
in height would have been true of the Roman statue, but no 
earlier writer says that the Rhodian statue was gilded, and 
Strabo and Pliny agree that its height was only 105 feet. 



Thus Porphyrogenitos, and consequently Theophanes in the 
lost version from which he quotes, had the statue of Nero in 
his mind when writing of the destruction of the Colossos ; 
and might easily have fancied that it was still standing when 
Muawiyeh came. But even if it had been set up again, it 
must have fallen in the great earthquake which destroyed the 
city of Rhodes in 515 ; and the Rhodians of that age had no 
resources for its reconstruction. The detail about the hawsers 
is pleasing. The Colossos was first set up after the siege of 
304 B.C. : but several of the Byzantine writers state that it 
was set up 1360 or 1365 years before its destruction, that is 
to say, in 707 or 712 B.C., and one of them places the event in 
the days of Manasseh of Judaea who reigned about that time. 
King Manasseh set up idols and worshipped Baal : the 
Colossos was in the likeness of Helios, a sun-god akin to 
Baal : and some confusion of these facts may have produced 
the anachronism. It is not likely that when Muawiyeh sold 
the Colossos, he overlooked the rest of the bronze statues in 
the island ; and their removal would account for the vast 
quantity of metal that was carried off. Byzantine writers 
estimate this at 700, at 900, at 980, at 30,000, and at 30,080 
camel loads. It probably was 900 or 980 : for in writing of 
one of the Seven Wonders that was seventy cubits in height, 
a copyist might easily write 700 for 900 : while a copyist with 
a liking for large numbers would readily substitute / the 
symbol for thirty thousand for ^ the symbol for nine hun- 
dred, and thus alter 900 and 980 into 30,000 and 30,080. 
The marble statues may have been carried off before, for it is 
in connection with the alleged capture of Rhodes by Chosrau 
that Abu-el-Faraj narrates the removal to Ctesiphon of the 
marble from the temples in the cities conquered by the 
Persians \ 

^ Theophanes, vol. i. p. 527, on the destruction of the Colossos : followed by 
Cedren, vol. i. p. 755, Leon Grammaticos, p. 157, Hamartolos, iv. 234, Zonaras, 
xiv. 19, and by others; also by Porphyrogenitos, vol. iii. at p. 95, with another 
version at p. 99. Malalas, p. 149, on its construction : and Syncellos, vol. i. 
pp. 647, 668, and the Paschal Chronicle, vol. i. pp. 464, 476, 492, on its alleged 
reconstruction. Abu-el-Faraj, Syriac version, p. no, on Muawiyeh, and Arabic 
version, p. 158, on Chosrau. 



Much confusion was caused by the use of the word arrfkri 
in its later meaning, a statue, instead of in its earlier meaning, 
a column, in some accounts of the Colossos. Thus Lucius 
Ampelius about 300 A.D. describes the Colossos as a marble 
column a hundred cubits in height bearing a statue of Helios 
in his chariot : having further confused the colossal statue by 
Chares, the pupil of Lysippos, with the statue by Lysippos 
himself that stood in the Temple of Helios at Rhodes and 
was afterwards in Rome. Thus again Nicetas Serron about 
1000 A.D. states that the Colossos was a column of bronze a 
thousand cubits in height ; and produces his statement as a 
quotation from Aristotle, in happy ignorance of the fact that 
the philosopher died before the Colossos was thought of. 
And thus again in the Hereford Chart about 1300 A.D. 
Rhodes is depicted with a column stretching from coast to 
coast and leaving little room for anything but a legend to the 
effect that it was a happy island with a very tall column. 
Similarly the stone obelisk in the Meidan at Constantinople 
was compared in an inscription of the Eleventh Century upon 
its base to the Colossos of Rhodes \ 

In allusion to the Colossos the Rhodians were known 
among the Byzantine Greeks^ as KoXoa-aaeh, and afterwards 
the official style of the Latin Archbishops of Rhodes was 
Archiepiscopus Colossensis. Hence the remark of Sir John 
Maundeville about Rhodes : — " And it was wont to be clept 
Collos : and so callen it the Turks zit. And Seynt Poul, in 
his Epistles, writeth to hem of that He, ad Colossensesr This 
latter notion was so widespread that Erasmus has thought it 
worthy of careful refutation at the beginning of his Annotations 
to the Epistle to the Colossians. The Knights' church of S. 
John within the Castle in the city was also styled Colossensis, 
and was commonly mentioned with this epithet to distinguish 
it from the church of S. John of the Fountain outside the 
walls. In the Stabilimenta and many documents it is termed 
Ecclesia S. Johannis Colaci. A word Colaceiisis would arise 
from the variant Y^o\ao(ja€v<i for KoXocro-aeu? and the mediaeval 

^ Lucius Ampelius, 8 ; Aristotle, fragmenta spuria, i ; C. I. G. no. 8703. 
2 Suidas, s. vv. KoXa<rcra€i$, 'Po5oy, for example. 

R. 6 



spelling Coloccnsis for Colossensis : and Colaci may be an 
abbreviation for this. The whole Castle in which the church 
stood was styled the Colac or the CollacJimm : and in 1624 
Pope Urban VIII. ordered the formation of a similar Collachiiim 
at Valletta by a division of the city, so that the Knights should 
not dwell with secular persons^ ; but this was not done. It 
has been generally assumed from the statement of Fontanus 
that in the siege of 1522 the Turks began a tunnel which was 
to open in septo EqintiLin ad pJianiim divi Johannis Colossensis 
that there was a church dedicated to S. John of the Colossos 
on the assembly ground of the Knights, and that the site of 
the Colossos itself might be inferred from this. But it is 
perfectly plain from the context and from other passages in 
the same work that Fontanus was merely referring to the 
great church of S. John in the customary way ; and that he 
was using the word septum to denote the enclosure forming the 
Castle within the city, and not in any technical sense. 

Bondelmonte, writing at Rhodes in 1422, states that he 
had read in some Greek book that this statue of Helios had a 
huge mirror on its chest to enable people to see ships starting 
from Egypt. The like of this is not to be read in any Greek 
book now : but possibly he had only been reading in Lucian 
how Menippos sat down on the Moon for a rest when his left 
wing was getting fatigued, and surveying the Earth thence, 
noticed in succession the Colossos at Rhodes and the Pharos 
at Alexandria, the tranquil sea reflecting the Sun, and the 
men journeying in ships^ Apparently the notion that the 
Colossos stood across the harbour mouth was then unknown. 

Caoursin, writing at Rhodes in 1480, states confidently 
that the Colossos stood on the site of Fort S. Nicholas and 
watched the harbour mouth ^ Fabri, who was at Rhodes in 
1480 and 1483, follows Caoursin as to this : but also mentions 
a popular notion, not to be found in books, that the Colossos 
stood watching the harbour with its legs astride the mouth so 
that ships passed in underneath*. Fontanus, writing in 1523 

1 Pauli, nos. 274, 275. ^ Bondelmonte, 13 : Lucian, Icaro-Menippos, 12. 
^ Caoursin, Obsidionis Rhodiae urbis descriptio. 
■* Frater Felix Fal^ri, pp. 161 a, 162 a. 



just after leaving Rhodes, also follows Caoursin : but adds 
that he had read incredible things concerning this Colossos in 
a Greek book in his possession, or rather in a fragment of 
a book by an unknown author\ And Thevet, who was at 
Rhodes in 1 549, states as a fact that the Colossos bestrode 
the harbour mouth : and that it held a sword in the right hand 
and a pike in the left, and wore a mirror on its chest I 

No ancient writer mentions the site of the Colossos : and 
this silence implies that its site was in no way remarkable. 
A statement that its marble pedestal overtopped the other 
statues^ suggests that it stood in some public place within 
the city : and no doubt the ancient Rhodians had knowledge 
enough of art to surround their Colossos with structures of 
moderate dimensions so that its size would tell, and not to 
isolate it on a site like that of Fort S. Nicholas. Caoursin's 
statement that it stood here watching the harbour mouth 
reads like a lame attempt to bring the popular notion within 
the limit of probability. But possibly he blundered over the 
tale that Fort S. Nicholas was built by Muawiyeh, who 
destroyed the Colossos : though this tale is not readily to be 
traced back to his time. The notion that the Colossos stood 
across the harbour mouth may be partly due to the fact that 
the Knights connected the two towers here by a huge chain 
to guard the entrance. All trace and record of the Co- 
lossos had disappeared at Rhodes before the arrival of the 

Amid the general silencing of the Pagan oracles the bull 
of Zeus at Rhodes ceased from speaking : but Cyril of 
Alexandria, who uses this fact against Julian the Apostate, 
was no doubt better informed about Balaam's ass than about 
the bull of Phalaris ; and supposes the Rhodian bull to have 
been a living creature which delivered oracles with a human 
voice instead of a hollow bronze figure w^hich only bellowed 
when men were being baked inside. The Patriarch was at 

^ Fontanus, de bello Rhodio. 

2 Andre Thevet, Cosmographie de Levant, cap. 31. 
^ Pseudo-Philo of Byzantium, de septem miraculis, 4. 
* Nicephoros Gregoras, vol. iii. p. 1 1. 



Rhodes on his way to the Council of Ephesos in 431, two 
years before he wrote against Julian \ 

The dome of the Hagia Sophia at Constantinople is 
commonly believed to be built of Rhodian bricks. The story 
runs that Justinian sent three officers of state to Rhodes to 
see to the making of these bricks from a light porous clay 
that was to be found there. The weight of each brick was 
only a fifth or a twelfth of that of an ordinary brick : and 
upon each was stamped the legend, "God founded it, and it 
shall not be moved : God shall aid it betimes." The original 
dome fell in : but Justin followed his uncle's example in 
having the bricks for the building of the extant dome made 
at Rhodes. They were of the same weight, made from the 
same clay, and stamped with the same stamp. This story is 
not to be found in the earlier accounts of the building, but 
appears first in Byzantine writers of the Fifteenth Century. 
As a matter of fact, the bricks of the dome are of the same 
fabric as those in the rest of the building^ 

This story may have been suggested by the reputation of 
the tiles which were made at Rhodes together with the better 
known plates and vases in the days of the Knights and after- 
wards. These are of earthenware glazed with glass. The 
surface is a creamy white on which the design is outlined in 
black and then painted in with red, green and blue. The 
blues and greens often run, but the reds and blacks remain 
firm and stand out in slight relief. The design is generally of 
flowers. The same delight in nature runs through all the 
Greek love songs of Rhodes in the days of the Knights. 
Thus, I would plant thy pathway with trees, apple and quince, 
orange and lemon, laurel and myrtle, and with rose trees also. 
Or conversely, As the gardener casteth away the yellow 
cucumber and the withered pumpkin and the decaying melon, 
even so cast I away thy love. And there are few fair flowers 
to which the beloved is not compared I The intricate group- 
ings of fruits and of flowers devised by the potters of Rhodes 

^ Cyrillos, in Julianum, p. 88 ; epistle xx. 

Eanduri's Anonymus, sees. 205, 206, 222, 223 ; Codinos, pp. 140, 141, 144. 
3 ' A\<f>ipT)Tos TT/s aydrrrjs, 8, 51, ed. Wagner. 



often show a dexterity worthy of Persia : and in one instance 
a potter, Ibrahim by name, has added an inscription in Persian 
lamenting his exile. There is indeed no direct proof that this 
ware was actually made in Rhodes : and in fabric and design 
it is nearly the same as the ware of Damascus and differs from 
that in little but the scheme of colouring. But nine-tenths of 
the known examples of this ware have been collected in 
Rhodes, particularly from Lindos and its neighbourhood ; and 
between Lindos and the city there are considerable remains of 
potteries at Archangelos, a village still populated by potters : 
and obviously some examples bearing a coat of arms and 
others of later date bearing Greek and Turkish inscriptions 
are more likely to have been made at Rhodes than at 
Damascus or in Persia itself. It may be that the Persian 
potters who must have founded the art in Rhodes were 
captives carried thither by the Knights or by pirates ; but 
more probably they were voluntary exiles in days of peace 
like those which followed the treaty of 1403 for regulating 
traffic between Rhodes and Beyrut and Damascus. The 
existence of the art in Rhodes before the expulsion of the 
Knights is indicated by several pieces which bear a coat of 
arms, and more clearly by the pieces built into the external 
wall of the chapel in the Castle of Monolithos. This chapel 
was not made a mosque, for frescoes remain within : so the 
Turks would not have given it this decoration ; and still less 
would they have allowed Christians within the fortress, even 
if the Greeks had cared to adorn a Latin chapel. The art 
flourished under the Turks : and besides the pieces bearing 
Turkish inscriptions, there are large balls of this ware for 
hanging in the mosques like the ostrich eggs. To the decline 
of the art belong two pieces bearing Greek inscriptions and 
the dates 1666 and 1667 respectively. In these the charm of 
the style is utterly wanting ; and the subjects depicted are a 
two-storied building with ladders, and an uplifted hand in the 
posture of benediction. Allied to these is the most remark- 
able example of the art that has yet been found : two tiles 
on which are painted the Virgin and Child with attendant 
cherubs. The treatment, especially in the cherubs, verges on 



the style commonly called Anatolian ; and the unfamiliar 
subject has evidently embarrassed the potter in his painting : 
but in the border the work is unmistakably Rhodian. The 
subject would have been taken from some picture well known 
in the island, perhaps that of Our Lady of Apollona. In 
Rhodian art a design is seldom confined to a single tile, but 
extends over a sufficient number to cover a considerable 
surface of wall. The tiles are generally square ; but those 
bearing the border of a large design are of the same length 
and of only half the width. For a sunny climate the perfection 
of wall decoration is to be found in these tiles with their 
rich colouring and subtle designs on their cool creamy surface. 
The dishes of this ware were also intended for the decoration 
of walls, for they are always pierced at the back with two 
holes for suspension. Curiously the earliest dishes from 
Camiros, dating from about 700 B.C., are pierced in just the 
same way. Flowers and leaves are depicted on the small 
surface of these dishes on the same scale as on large expanses 
of tiles, and the designs here are necessarily far less complex. 
On the earliest dishes there are seldom more than four or five 
flowers, and these are grouped almost geometrically to secure 
symmetry of design. But on those of somewhat later date 
the flowers are treated quite naturally, and symmetry of design 
is preserved in a less obtrusive way : for instance, a whole 
bunch of flowers on slender stems bending one way as if 
before a gust of wind, while one great leaf rises across the 
centre of the dish bending the other way under its own weight 
and unstirred by the gust. The earliest dishes are however 
far finer than these in fabric and in colouring : and they also 
have an advantage in shape, for they are generally like huge 
saucers so that the design covers the whole surface without a 
break ; while the others have broad rims like a soup plate and 
the design is confined to the centre, the rim being meagrely 
decorated with spiral patterns in black. In all this may 
perhaps be traced the descent from the original Persian 
potters to their Rhodian pupils. Besides the prevailing floral 
designs, animals, boats, etc., are sometimes depicted on the 
dishes and more frequently on the jugs and the long-necked 



vases of this ware. In the earlier examples these are treated 
in purely Oriental fashion : there is no horizon ; and the 
animals, etc., stand in rows one above the other; and they 
are not represented, but merely symbolized. But afterwards a 
series of symbols for ships gives way to the representation of 
a single ship, and so with other subjects. These representa- 
tions are often interesting historically for details that they 
give : but artistically they are a blunder, for it was beyond the 
limits of the potters' resources adequately to represent such 
subjects, and they seldom permit much beauty of design. But 
this fault grew with the decline of the art : and there is little 
merit in the later examples, the rim covered with a black 
spiral pattern and the centre painted with a man smoking a 
pipe, or a shapeless bird, or even a coffee pot. Much of the 
beauty of colour and design belonging to the best of this ware 
is also to be found on embroideries which seem to have been 
made in the island during the same period. 

The sombre buildings of the Knights are seldom brightened 
by tiles or by disks of porphyry or coloured marble : and the 
brown stone is relieved only by slabs of white marble on 
which coats of arms are carved in relief. In some cases there 
are flamboyant arches above the shields ; and there is often 
some carving around and above the doorways in the brown 
stone. The windows are always small, though their apparent 
size is increased by heavy mouldings round them : and the 
chief features of the exteriors are strongly marked string 
courses. The narrowness of the famous Street of the Knights, 
and the smallness of the Palaces that line it, are both striking. 
A few doorways are of Renaissance work, but all else is 
Gothic. Yet there is little to recall the North, for the houses 
are low and without gables : and indeed the flat roofs and the 
frequent round arches that connect them across the streets 
withdraw attention from the architectural details. The 
churches of the Knights are Gothic, and curiously this style 
has survived in the island for church buildings : but ancient 
materials were often incorporated ; the granite columns, for 
example, which divided the nave from the aisles in S. John's, 
were monoliths taken from some ancient temple ; and the 



tombs of the Grand Masters de JuUiac, 1376, and de Milly, 
146 1, were ancient Greek sarcophagi. It was perhaps during 
this period that the necropolis of Rhodes and that of Lindos 
were despoiled : for in 1422 Bondelmonte mentions the 
frequent discovery of vases and statuettes. These minor 
antiquities would have perished rather by mishap than through 
malice : for the Knights carefully preserved the sculpture of 
the Mausoleum to adorn their castle at Halicarnassos, and 
kept the altars of the ancients by their doors to mount their 
horses. Among the surviving examples of the minor arts 
under the Knights are the great wooden doors of the Hospital, 
with purely Gothic carving ; and processional crosses and 
reliquaries of Byzantine metal work, that probably once 
belonged to one of the Knights' churches in Palestine or to 
the Cathedral of Beyrut and are now at Malta. 

It is very generally stated that the letters F E R T, 
stamped on the coins of Savoy and now on those of Italy, 
signify Fortitudo Ejus RJiodiim Tenuit and were adopted by 
Amadeo the Great of Savoy in memory of his share in 
defending Rhodes against Sultan Osman in 13 10. It does 
not appear that either Amadeo or Osman ever were at 
Rhodes at all, or that the Turks made any attack on the 
Knights in 1310. There is no reason to suppose that the 
letters make more than one word. This explanation of them 
(a very old one) was probably suggested by the identity of the 
arms of the Knights with those of the House of Savoy. 

Some wretched little copper coins were struck at Rhodes 
before the arrival of the Knights. Those bearing the words 
Kalaaap 6 yaffa\a<; on the obverse and o Sov\o<; rod paaLKe<i 
on the reverse belong to Leon Gabalas. The words are 
written in three lines on either side, and there are no heads or 
figures. The similar coins with Ico 6 yajSaXa^ on the obverse 
and 6 avdiur7j<; rrj^ poSov on the reverse belong to John 
Gabalas. To one or other of these rulers must also belong 
the coins with the monogram ya. Some twenty varieties of 
copper coins found almost exclusively at Rhodes and charac- 
terized by the presence of the letter /5, alone, or twice repeated 
in a monogram, or repeated four times between the arms of a 



cross, must have been struck there after the fall of the 
Gabalas dynasty during the time that the island was directly 
under the rule of the Palaeologi. For the use of the letter ^ 
marks the coins of that family, and some of the Rhodian 
coins that bear it bear also the monogram ira and others the 
Imperial figure with traces of the words vraXeoXoyo^ and 
avTOKpdrop. The similar coins with monograms of the name 
Palaeologos, which are found in the island, must also belong 
to this period. Silver coins of the Seljuk Sultans of Rum 
throughout the Thirteenth Century are found in Rhodes 
stamped with a countermark of the letter ^ twice repeated, 
presumably to sanction their circulation in the island. 

The gold florins of the Knights are direct copies of the 
Venetian sequins, bearing on the obverse S. Mark bestowing 
a banner on the Doge and on the reverse Christ within an 
elliptic halo : and the Venetian inscription is generally copied 
except that the names S. Mark of Venice and Doge on the 
obverse are sometimes changed to S. John Baptist and 
Master. The earlier monetary system of the Knights was 
this : 3 gold florins = 20 bixanti = 30 gigliati = 60 aspri = 80 
soldi =480 carati = 96o denari\ But although accounts were 
kept in byzants and carats, the only coins struck were gold 
florins, gigliati, aspri, denari, and some that should be soldi 
but weigh only a third of a gigliato. Thus for currency, one 
gold florin = 10 gigliati, one gigliato = 2 aspri or 3 soldi, and 
one aspre= 16 denari. The gigliati, aspri and soldi, which are 
of silver, bear on the obverse the Grand Master kneeling 
before a patriarchal cross, and on the reverse a square cross 
terminating at each point in a shield of the Order between 
two leaves instead of in the customary lilies. The full in- 
scription is Frater \Elion de Villanovd] Dei Gratia Magister 
Hospitalis Sancti Johannis Hierosolymitani Conventus R/iodi, 
and this is variously abbreviated and variously apportioned 
between obverse and reverse. About i486 after John 
Baptist's hand had been translated to Rhodes and the Grand 
Master d' Aubusson had been created Cardinal, a new silver 

Pegolotti, p. 93, ed. Pagnini. 



coinage was issued on a new monetary system which has not 
yet been fully explained. The obverses bear the Grand 
Master's arms with the whole of the old inscription much 
abbreviated ; and the reverses bear John Baptist or else the 
symbolic lamb with the banner, in either case with the 
inscription Ecce Agims Dei, qid tollit peccata mundi. The 
denari, which are of bronze or copper, generally bear a cross 
on the obverse with the words Magister Hospitalis and on the 
reverse a castle with the words Civitas Rhodi : but there are 
many varieties\ 

1 The mediaeval coinage of Rhodes has already been fully described and 
illustrated by M. Gustave Schlumberger in his Numismatique de I'Orient Latin. 



Two of the ancient Rhodian legends recur in the island in 
the time of the Knights : and it is singular that one of these, 
known only to students in its ancient form, is known in its 
modern form throughout the civilized world. 

The first legend runs thus : Phalanthos the Phoenician had 
an exceeding strong city called Achaea in the district of 
lalysos, wherein he was besieged by Iphiclos the Greek : and 
he resisted confidently, for an oracle had declared that he 
should possess the land till there were white crows and fish 
swam in the wine jars. Now this response was known also to 
his daughter Dorcia ; and she loved Iphiclos and was treating 
secretly^ with him concerning marriage. Wherefore she 
persuaded the water carrier to take fish from the fountain and 
throw them into the wine jars, while she snared certain crows 
and chalked them and then let them go. And when her 
father saw that the oracle was accomplished, he departed out 
of Rhodes with his Phoenicians ; and thenceforth the Greeks 
ruled all the island.^ — The city Achaea of the ancient Rhodians 
became the fortress Phileremos of the Byzantines. — When the 
Knights first came to Rhodes, they drove out the paynim 
king from the city and held him besieged in Phileremos. Now 
the king's daughter loved one of the Knights ; and she signified 
to him that when the cattle went out to graze he should stab 
the herdsman and flay one of the beasts, and binding its hide 

^ Polyzelos, Fr. 2, and Ergeias, F'r. i. = Athena;os, pp. 360, 361, 


upon him, he should enter the fortress on his hands and feet 
in the midst of the herd and so come to her. This the 
Knight did ; but he brought with him other Knights dad also 
in hides, and they entered the fortress in the midst of the 
herd. And when the king knew that the enemy were within 
the fortress, he mounted his horse, and taking his daughter 
behind him, he leaped down the cliffs ; and thenceforth the 
Knights ruled all the island \ 

The second legend is that the island was once filled with 
a multitude of serpents, and among them was a dragon of 
huge size which killed very many of the people. Then came 
Phorbas over the sea and slew the dragon and all the 
serpents : wherefore the people gave him a share in their 
island^ This version combines the dragon-killing or Saint 
George myth with the snake-killing or Saint Patrick myth: 
but another version relates only the killing of the snakes 
and makes no mention of the dragon^ Another legend 
associates Phorbas with lalysos and its district*. — The medi- 
aeval Phileremos occupied the ancient Acropolis of lalysos. — 
A dragon once haunted the road from the city to Phileremos 
and destroyed much people, so that the road was called the 
Evil Way. Now one of the Knights would have done battle 
with the dragon, but that the Grand Master forbade him. 
So this Knight departed to his home in France : and there 
day by day he would fasten a counterfeit of the dragon's 
hide upon a calf or other such beast, and teach two hounds 
to worry it and a horse to bear him against it that he might 
smite it, till at last the horse and the hounds fought fearlessly 
against the similitude of the dragon. Then he took ship 
again to Rhodes : and since the Grand Master still forbade 
his enterprise, after some days he armed himself secretly and 
went out alone to seek the dragon; and while his hounds 
fell upon the monster and worried it, he rode up and dealt 
it a death blow. And when the dragon was dead, he cut 

^ Pfalzgraf Otto Heinrich, p. 371, ed. Rohricht and Meisner. 

2 Polyzelos, Fr. 1. = Hyginus, poet, astron. ii. 14. 

^ Zeno, Fr. 2. = Diodoros, v. 58. 

* Dieuchidas, Fr. 7. = Athenaeos, p. 262. 



off a piece of its tongue for a token, and returned again 
to the city. After a space a Greek who passed by found 
the dragon dead ; and coming to the city and hearing no 
report thereof, he went to the Grand Master saying that he 
had slain the dragon, and obtained from him a great reward. 
And the Knight hearing this went also to the Grand Master 
proving that he had slain the dragon and craving pardon for 
his disobedience. The Grand Master took from the Greek 
his reward ; and then he cast the Knight into prison. But 
when this Grand Master died, the Knights chose this prisoner 
to be their chief ; and he was the third or the fourth Grand 
Master that ruled at Rhodes \ — Dieudonne de Gozon was 
the third Grand Master of Rhodes in common reckoning, 
and the fourth if Maurice de Pagnac's election is deemed 
valid : and in later versions he is named explicitly. Accord- 
ing to Bosio, there was a painting of a knight slaying a 
dragon, with the motto Draconis Extiftctor, above Gozon's 
tomb near the high altar in S. John's Church : and probably 
this accident made him the hero of the revived Rhodian 
legend. Apparently this painting, like others in the island, 
simply depicted Saint George and the dragon without the 
striking modification of the Saint George type in the Gozon 
legend by the Sir Richard Whittington type, in which the 
acts of animals result to their owner's advantage. The 
animals associated with a Knight of Rhodes were naturally 
hounds, since the Knights kept a famed pack of hounds 
at Halicarnassos. Amusingly enough, certain travellers who 
have visited Rhodes in Turkish times and seen dilapidated 
stuffed beasts hanging over gateways there in common 
Oriental fashion to avert the Evil Eye, have imagined that 
they have seen the remains of the dragon. Were their tales 
true, the dragon must have been a veritable Hydra, for three 
different travellers have described three different heads. While 
the Gozon legend of the dragon has been embellished by 
successive writers and is now universally diffused by Schiller's 
ballad and Retsch's drawings, a new legend of the dragon 

^ Pfalzgraf Otto Heinrich, pp. 392 — 394, ed. Rohricht and Meisner. 



has grown up at Rhodes. — A fierce dragon dwelt at Sandruli 
between the city and Phileremos ; and a certain holy dervish, 
hearing thereof, came over the sea to slay it. This dervish 
loaded forty donkeys with sacks of quicklime, and drove 
them one by one past the dragon's den. After finishing the 
fortieth donkey, the dragon went down to drink : but the 
action of the water on the quicklime set up acute internal 
inflammation, to which he succumbed. And the Sultan re- 
warded the dervish with great gifts. 

Both these mediaeval legends are reported by the Elector 
Otho Henry, who was at Rhodes in 1521 : but earlier reports 
may yet come to hand. Probably the Gozon legend is not 
of much earlier date : for the legend of the killing of the 
dragon by Phorbas must have preceded it ; and although 
this might have been circulated long before by learned 
Byzantines, had it survived in a Greek version, its survival 
in a Latin version placed it beyond their reach, and it would 
hardly have been diffused until after the printing of the 
Astronomies of Hyginus in 1475. And in fact Fabri, who 
was at Rhodes in 1480 and in 1483 and had a keen eye for 
dragons, narrates the killing of the snakes by Phorbas but 
is silent as to the killing of a dragon either by Phorbas or 
by Gozon. The legend of the Knights of Rhodes and the 
dragon of Cos, reported by Sir John Maundeville and others, 
clearly belongs to another type, of which the Queen of the 
Serpents in the Arabian Nights is an example. Curiously, 
Fabri found the belief current that it was at Rhodes that 
Jason killed the dragon which guarded the golden fleece, 
Rhodes under its name Cholos having been confused with 
Colchos or Colchis \ 

Another mediaeval reminiscence of ancient Rhodes is the 
Jus Navale Rhodiorum. It consists of four parts of unequal 
age and value. The earliest of them, a body of practical 
naval law in fifty-one chapters, was included by Leo the 
Philosopher about the year 888 in the Basilics as the eighth 
title of the fifty-third book : and probably belongs, like the 

^ Frater Felix Fabri, 160 a — i6i a, 162 b. 



similar bodies of military and agricultural law, to the previous 
century. It is entitled the Naval Law of the Rhodians, 
and professes to be extracted from the fourteenth book of 
the Pandects. It is not extracted from the Pandects at all. 
Perhaps its authority was increased by a reference to the 
book which narrates how the naval law of Rhodes was 
adopted for Rome by Antoninus Pius : but it has nothing 
to do with Rhodes ; and indeed the only Rhodian principle 
which can be traced in Roman law, the rule of general 
average, is here expanded into a system of mutual assurance 
between the owners of ship and freight against all casualties, 
while the rule is construed strictly in the Pandects. — The 
next is a similar body in twenty-one chapters entitled simply 
the Naval Law ; and is of later date than the first, for it 
quotes a clause from that as coming from the Rhodian 
law. — Then there is a narrative referred to a lost work of a 
certain Docimios or Docimos, but identical with sec. N cap. 
15 of the Synopsis Minor of the Basilics, and consequently 
not later than the Thirteenth Century. It narrates that as 
time went on and circumstances changed, the Rhodian laws 
were found to need revision and extension, the more so since 
some rascals had discovered methods of swindling under 
cover of them : and new laws were consequently enacted 
which superseded the Rhodian in several points. The story 
may be a mere invention to account for the rule of Antoninus 
Pius that in a conflict of Roman and Rhodian law the Roman 
should prevail. But it may refer to later events ; and there 
is perhaps an allusion to these swindlers in the remark of 
Jerome that, inasmuch as the word 'Rhodians' signified 
'perceiving judgment,' the reproaches of the Apostle Paul 
against the man that judgeth another, but therein condemneth 
himself because he doeth the same things, were in his day 
applied to the Rhodians. The way in which the word 
' Rhodians ' acquired such a meaning must have been this. 
In the Septuagint Dodanim, the sons of Javan the son of 
Japhet, who inhabited the islands of the gentiles, appear as 
the Rhodians ; and this notion found its way into the 
Hebrew, for Rodanim may also be read there : and again, 



the sons of the Rhodians appear for the sons of Dedan, who 
carried merchandise to Tyre from the islands. And the 
word 'Rhodians' must have been connected through Dodanim 
and Dedan with the word ' Dan/ a judge. TertulHan, on 
the other hand, in his controversy with Marcion two centuries 
before, points to the excellence of the Rhodian law as com- 
pared with the Pontic, and thereby secures a hit at his 
opponent who was a native of Pontus\ — There is finally an 
account of the confirmation of the naval law of Rhodes by 
various Roman Emperors. It is full of anachronisms and 
blunders; and merely repeats the narrative of the confirmation 
by Antoninus Pius with variations to adapt it to those 
Emperors who had anything to do with Rhodes or with 
maritime legislation. 

The mediaeval history of Rhodes was recorded in the 
Commentaries kept on behalf of the Knights. These are cited 
in an order'^ of the lOth of October 1489, and seem from a 
reference in Pauli's preface to have been extant in the 
Archives at Malta when he was. writing in 1737; but now 
they are missing. They began late and were kept irregu- 
larly : for Bosio, who certainly had access to them, is badly 
informed of events at Rhodes in the Fourteenth Century and 
complains that he finds no details of the Egyptian attack in 
1444. The Knights also brought with them from Rhodes to 
Malta a mass of original documents and their books of record. 
These are now in the Public Registry Office at Valletta. 
There are three principal sets of original documents. First, 
the title deeds of the Knights' estates in Palestine, preserved 
after their expulsion thence in 1291 in hope of returning 
thither. Secondly, Papal bulls and briefs relating to the 
Knights while in Palestine and at Rhodes. Thirdly, over two 
hundred bulls of the Grand Masters of Rhodes. Presumably 
these bulls were executed in duplicate and one copy retained. 
Of books of record, the chief are six Libri Capitiilorum 
Generaliicm from 1330 onward, and eleven Libri Conciliorum 

1 Jerome, in Ezechielem, xxvii. 14, de nominibus Hebraicis, s. v. Rhodii ; 
Tertullian, adv. Marcionem, iii. 6. 

' Sta])ilimcnta, de origine Religionis. 



from 1459 onward, containing the acts of the Chapters 
General and the Councils respectively : and ninety- five Libri 
Btillarimi containing the entries of the Magistral bulls. There 
are only five of these last from 1346 to 1380, though from 
1 38 1 onward they are nearly continuous: but they contain 
some earlier records, the treaty of the 27th of May 1306, 
for example, being entered in 1392; presumably because 
this treaty was one of the title deeds of the Vignolo estates in 
Rhodes and found its way to the Chancery on a sale of part 
of these. Apparently the missing books of these series never 
reached Malta : but the original documents have suffered 
serious losses since their arrival there, and in many cases 
since 1737. Whole series of records seem to have perished 
either on the loss of Rhodes or afterwards : for example, 
the register of mercantile contracts at the Court of Commerce, 
and the file of documents relating to matters in litigation at 
the Chancery. The archives generally were in charge of the 
Vice-Chancellor ; the Chancellor, who was the chief of the 
Knights of Castile for the time being, having little to do 
with them. A distinction is drawn in the Statutes that the 
Chancellor should know how to read and write, and that 
the Vice-Chancellor should be a learned and capable man^ : 
but many of the Chancellors happened to be deeply read, 
Andrea d'Amaral for instance knowing Pliny as well as 
other men knew their own names^ William Caoursin of 
Douai in Belgium, who was Vice-Chancellor for the last 
forty years of the Fifteenth Century, codified the statutes 
of the Order. His code was approved at the Chapter 
General of 1489 ; some statutes were then repealed and 
others amended under Papal authority, and the revised code 
was approved at the Chapter General of 1493 ; and in 1495 
it was printed at Venice as the Stabilimenta. The statutes 
are grouped under sixteen heads, dealing with Admission 
to the Order, the Church, the Hospital, the Council, the 
Grand Master, the Priors, the Knights, Elections, etc. Under 
each head the statutes are arranged chronologically by the 

^ Stabilimenta, de Baiuliuis, xxxvi, xxxvii, xl. ^ Fontanus. 

T. R. 7 



names of the Grand Masters who passed them, those of 
uncertain origin standing first as Custom. But statutes 
dealing with several subjects are simply placed under the 
head to which they relate most, and are never repeated : 
so that information is often to be found in the most unlikely 
places. In each statute the operative part is much abbrevi- 
ated and the preamble merely summarized. This code is the 
most valuable and the most accessible commentary on medi- 
aeval Rhodes : but hitherto it has been strangely neglected. 

But Caoursin's chief work was his Description of the 
siege of Rhodes. This was printed at Padua in December 
1480, only four months after the siege was raised. Appar- 
ently he had previously drawn up the despatches of the 
13th and 15 th of September from Pierre d'Aubusson to 
Frederick III and Sixtus IV respectively: for the events 
of the siege are there narrated in the same manner and 
generally in the same words as in his book ; the additional 
matter in the book being praise of the Grand Master's 
prowess, that could not well be put into the Grand Master's 
own mouth, and gossip about spies, traitors, etc., that would 
hardly have interested either the Emperor or the Pope. The 
contemporary English and French and German narratives 
of the siege by John Kay and Mary du Puis and Bernhard 
von Breydenbach are all paraphrased without acknowledge- 
ment from this work of Caoursin's. John Kay was poet 
laureat in the time of King Edward IV, to whom he 
dedicated his work. Bernhard von Breydenbach visited 
Rhodes on his celebrated pilgrimage three years after the 
siege. Mary du Puis, of whom nothing is known, professes 
that he collected his information at Rhodes: but when he 
goes beyond Caoursin's statements, and narrates that one 
shot came through the vaulted roof of the dining hall in the 
Grand Master's Palace, broke the two marble columns in 
the centre of the room which supported the vaulting, and 
then went through the floor into a cask of wine in the cellar ; 
and that another shot struck a chest of ecclesiastical vessels 
on board a ship, and scattered everything overboard except 
the Host, which dropped out on to the deck unharmed ; and 



that when the Rhodians were celebrating the Feast of John 
Baptist by lighting fires on their towers and belfries, and 
firing off all their artillery at once, they loaded the guns and 
thereby killed about 300 Turks who had come out to see the 
illumination ; it becomes pretty obvious that his information 
was not collected at Rhodes. Congratulations from the Grand 
Master d'Aubusson on their election to the Papacy were 
conveyed to Innocent VIII by Caoursin in 1485 and to 
Alexander VI by Marcus Montanus in 1493 : and the 
speeches of both envoys were printed at Rome soon after 
their delivery. Marcus Montanus (Latin Archbishop of 
Rhodes) dedicated his speech to Caoursin, by whom he had 
been indoctrinated in learning and by whose advice he had 
gone to study in the University of Paris. A volume printed 
at Ulm in 1496 contains nine works of Caoursin's : the other 
seven being a speech to the Knights in 148 1 on the death of 
Sultan Muhammad, a tract on the earthquakes at Rhodes in 
1481, another on the translation of the Hand of John Baptist 
to Rhodes in 1484, and four others on the affairs of Bajazet 
and Jem from 1482 to 1489. Caoursin alludes to a popular 
treatise on earthquakes written by him in the vernacular : but 
in all his extant works he has employed the official Eccle- 
siastical Latin of his time, interspersing his statements of fact, 
which are always clear and precise, with the customary 
devotional and vituperative passages. His vituperation, which 
is chiefly directed against Sultan Muhammad, is singularly 
terse and exhaustive : and there is much ingenuity in the 
suggestion that the earthquake on the day of the Sultan's 
death must have been caused by the violent descent of his 
soul to the nethermost hell. But the deliverance of Rhodes 
from the conqueror of Constantinople and Trebizond seemed 
to him little less than a miracle; and his heartfelt thanksgivings 
often shew true eloquence. His learning was respectable. He 
had studied the old Greek legends of Rhodes, and comforted 
the people in their panic at the earthquakes by the information 
that the island had once been abandoned by its inhabitants 
on account of such disasters, and that it had originally been 
upheaved from the sea and might possibly go down again: 



he quotes Aristotle, always with high approval, and also 
Homer and Vergil : and his knowledge of history enables 
him to compare the Grand Master to Hannibal, Metellus and 
Julius Caesar, and the Sultan to Sulla, Marius, Mithridates, 
Antiochos, Croesos, Nero, Diocletian and Julian the 

Some account of the second great siege is contained in a 
speech addressed to Pope Clement VH on the i8th of 
December 1523, by Thomas Guichardus ; a young Knight of 
five or six and twenty, who was then acting as Vice- Chancellor. 
He died at Viterbo three years later. Having to congratulate 
the Pope on his election as well as to justify the surrender of 
Rhodes, he has little space for the earlier events of the siege ; 
but his statements, so far as they go, are of the highest 
authority, having been made on behalf of the Grand Master 
and the Knights, and in their presence. The speech was 
printed at Rome in January 1524. The French narrative by 
Jacques de Bourbon, printed in Paris in 1525, adopts and 
develops the statements of Guichardus, and adds long 
extracts from a diary kept by the author during the siege. 
It is consequently somewhat disjointed ; but it is written with 
much spirit and dignity, and is certainly the best account 
that exists. Bourbon was himself one of the Knights, and 
was wounded in the great assault on the breach of Arragon. 
The Latin history by Jacobus Fontanus of Bruges, printed at 
Rome in February 1524, is in three books dealing respectively 
with the preparations for the siege, the siege itself, and the 
return of the Knights to Italy. Fontanus, a mere man of 
letters, was interrupted in the congenial task of commenting 
on the Code of Justinian and on various Papal Constitutions 
at Paris by his appointment as judge of appeal at Rhodes. 
On his way thither in 1521 his ship caught fire, and then 
nearly foundered and narrowly escaped pirates; during the 
siege he was once knocked down in the street by the wind of 
a cannon ball while the negro servant behind him was killed, 
and in the confusion after the surrender he was robbed and 
maltreated by a party of Turks ; and on the return to Italy 
he nearly died of the plague at Messina, Plis history was 



composed hurriedly at Rome, and the fact that much of it 
was dictated explains his constant divergence into digressions 
from which he seldom returns ; but at the best his style is 
clumsy and obscure. The orations with which he fills a fourth 
of his space seem to be mere literary devices for stating the 
arguments for various courses of action and introducing some 
information about the ancient Rhodians. Davenant evidently 
studied this history carefully for his drama The Siege of 
Rhodes (certainly the best poem that ever was wrote, thought 
Mr Pepys) although the events of the siege are of course 
subordinated there to an ordinary plot. Fontanus addressed 
to Pope Adrian VI an excited epistle about the siege, printed 
at Basle with other tracts relating to the Turks in 1538 ; and 
also a speech, which probably was never delivered and is now 
lost. The Discorso printed under his nanie is an Italian 
translation of the history, not the speech. A speech on the 
siege by Roberto Peruzzi, another judge at Rhodes, addressed 
to Adrian VI but never delivered, is also lost; as is the 
funeral oration on the defenders of Rhodes by Petrus 
Alcyonius. With the speech of Guichardus was printed a 
poem in Latin hexameters by Ursinus Velius congratulating 
Rhodes on the election of Pope Clement VII ; the point 
being that as the new Pope had been a member of the Order, 
he might help the Knights to regain their island. The siege 
also inspired various poems in Italian octave stanzas, La 
Presa de Rhodi and El laniento de Rhodi for example, none of 
which have much literary or historical value. 

There are said to be two accounts of this last siege in 
Greek, one by George Calybas and the other by Eleutherios a 
Rhodian. There are also two pretentious accounts from the 
invaders' point of view : one in Arabic, purporting to be by 
Ramadan, physician to Sultan Sulaiman ; the other in 
Turkish, by a certain Ahmad Hafiz. The extracts which 
have been published^ shew that these both agree generally 
with the accounts given by the besieged ; and also that their 

1 Memoires de I'Academie des Inscriptions, vol. xxvi. pp. 723 — 769, for 
Ramadan ; Paris Arabic MSS. no. 1622. Biliotti and Cottret, I'lle de Rhodes, pp. 
292 ff, for i\hmad Hafiz. 



Style is so vague that when they differ from these, theiF 
contradiction can have little weight. It is very possible that 
they were both written at Constantinople by men who 
obtained their facts from a copy of Bourbon or of Fontanus, 
but took care that the Christian dogs should not have the 
best of it. 

It was at Rhodes that Bondelmonte wrote his book on the 
Archipelago in 1422 : he had been living there for the past 
eight years, and visiting the other islands thence. Apparently 
he did not think the interior of the island beyond Phileremos 
and Lindos worthy of a visit : and preferred to stay in the 
city collecting vague scraps of worthless information about 
the ancients and ignoring the life of his contemporaries. The 
book on Falconry by Jean de Franchieres (himself a Knight) 
is largely based on that of a Greek named Aime Cassian or 
rather Agapetos Cassianos, who was falconer to the Grand 
Masters. Cassian's work survives only in the extracts thus 
preserved : and these are purely technical, saying nothing of 
falconry in Rhodes except that the birds so abounded there 
at certain seasons that they could be bought for little and 
were even used by the peasantry for food. 

Many of the Greek love songs of Rhodes have survived, 
and more than a hundred of these are contained in one 
manuscript\ This is bound with manuscripts by another 
hand into a duodecimo volume : the initials of the songs are in 
red, and these initial letters are partly placed in alphabetical 
order. The songs seldom exceed a dozen lines, though a few 
are of much greater length. They reflect the life of Rhodes 
in the days of the Knights. Thus, " mother mine, full well 
can I describe the lad I love : at Venice, a Venetian ; abroad, 
a Genoese; in warfare, bravest of Turcopoloe." These 
Turcopoloe were the light troops raised from the Rhodian 
Greeks for the defence of the coast under the command of the 
Turcopolier, who was always the chief of the English Knights. 
But in some cases the reference is to the mercenaries from the 
West who served at Rhodes under the Knights, or perhaps to 

^ British Museum, Additional, 8241 : edited by Wagner as 'AX0i/3?7ros ttJs 



the Knights themselves. Thus, ''at Rhodes I leave the maid 
I love," or "farewell, for I must go to Prankish lands": and 
again, " come, my lord, that I may kiss thee, thou banner 
of the Hospital." The cumbersome similes in which these 
songs abound suggest Oriental influence : and are sometimes 
intensely ludicrous. Thus, *'thou art as a column of porphyry 
that standeth in the Palace where the Emperor sitteth en- 
throned and the Logothete giveth judgment. Thou art as the 
eikon of the Virgin adorning the breast of the Emperor : 
honoured of Prankish kings and esteemed of rulers. Yea, 
and thou art as the dew of night and the hoar frost of winter : 
as the moon at eventide art thou and as the sun by day, as a 
morning star also and as a lamp in the Palace." The same 
faith in the glory of the Byzantine court causes a comparison 
of faithful love to a Golden Bull, which knoweth not revoca- 
tion. Many of the songs are pretty enough, though weari- 
some from their sameness : but the best commentary upon 
them is an order of the Grand Master in Council dated the 
3rd of March 1456, directing that to abate the wrath of God 
and to remove manifold scandals and to reform the city of 
Rhodes, all persons of more than doubtful character shall 
henceforth be confined to one quarter thereof, conformably to 
the practice of other cities ; and charging the deputy Grand 
Master, the Prior of the Church, and the Turcopolier, Sir 
William Daunay, with its execution\ In October 1498 the 
plague which then seemed the most wonderful of all the 
discoveries of Columbus, arrived in the island : and curiously 
it supplied the theme of the chief mediaeval poem of Rhodes. 
This is the work of Emmanuel Georgillas^, whose poem on 
Justinian and Belisarius also survives. Apparently he had 
seen Pracastoro's poem : but his own is on a smaller scale, 
and very far inferior in literary power ; and it is curious to 
contrast the confused Paganism and Christianity of the 
Rhodian with the thorough-going Paganism of the Italian. 
At Rhodes the plague attacked old men and matrons, boys 

1 Libri Bullarum, no. 51, folio 171 tergo. 

2 Carmina Greeca Medii JEvi, ed. Wagner: QavariKov Trjt 'VoSov, 'laropLKr 
i^-qyrjcns trepl 'BeXiaapiov. 



and unwedded girls : and among the victims was the metro- 
politan bishop Metrophanes. The Grand Master ordained 
fasting and prayer and the people sang Alleluia, but the 
plague continued : then he directed the isolation of suspected 
persons, but the isolation could not be maintained, and 
Knights fell sick within the castle in the city : and for twenty 
months the plague raged. But at length John Baptist over- 
came Charon: and after midsummer-day 1500 the plague 


Abil-el-Faraj, i, 35, 70 
Adam, I'lle, 22 — 33, 62 
Alexandria, 13, 14, 16, 22, 68, 83 
Amaral, Andrea d', 33, 62, 63, 97 
Animals, 22, 42, 43, 57, 94 
Antioch, 4 — 6, 75, 76 
Antiquities, 80, 83, 87, 88 
Archbishops of Rhodes, 70 — 74, 81, 99 
Architecture, 36, 40, 87 
Archives, 96, 97 
Artillery, 17, 18, 26, 28, 56 
Aubusson, Pierre d', 17 — 22, 28, 77, 89, 
98, 100 

Barcelona, 52 
Beyrut, 14, 70, 85, 88 
Biliotti, 52, loi 
Bondelmonte, 102 
Bourbon, Jacques de, 100 
Breydenbach, 98 
Bricks, Rhodian, 84 
Bull of Zeus, 83 
Burgundians, 14, 37 

Caoursin, 82, 83, 97, 100 
Carnival, 40 
Carpets, 60 

Castellan's Court, 49, 51, 74 

Castle in the city, 40, 41, 56, 59, 81, 

82, 104 
Castles in the island, 43 — 47 
Catalans, 14, 52 
Chain across harbour, 38 
Chosrau Parwiz, i, 80 
Coinage, 88 — 90 
Colossos, 79 — 83 

Constantinople, 2, 7, 9, 11, 15, 16, 22, 
23, 38. 53' 61, 62, 65, 67, 75, 76, 
81, 102 

Consuls, Rhodian, 13, 14, at Rhodes, 
49. 50 

Cos, 3, 10, 12, 14, 15, 17, 24, 30, 66, 
7i> 94 

Councils, Ecclesiastical, 66 — 68, 72, 73, 

Court of Commerce, 42, 50, 51, 74, 76, 

Crete, i, 7—9, 16, 23, 32, 33, 46, 48, 

55, 71. 72 
Cmsaders, 4—9, 13, 37. 38 
Cyprus, I, 9—15, 42, 44, 48, 49' ^8, 70 

Dragons, 75, 76, 92—94 

Earthquakes, 35, 36, 38, 99 
Ecclesiastical art, 70, 88 
Egyptians, 2, 13—16, 22, 25, 29 
Eikons, 42, 67, 68, 72, 76 — 78, 103 
English, 6, 23, 32, 37, 44, 55, 60 
Esaias, bishop, 67 

Falconry, 58, 102 

Florentines, 10, 42, 47—49, 52, 53. 7^, 

73, 75 
Fontanus, 82, 100, loi 
Fortifications, 36 — 40, 56 

Gabalas, John, 7, 8, 88 ; Leon, 8, 9, 

88 ; family, 7, 9, 69 
Genoese, 8, 9, 11— 14, 23, 30, 32, 38, 

51, 74, 102 
Golden Bulls, 5, 10, 45, 103 
Gothic buildings, 45, 87 
Goths, I 

Gozon, Dieudonne de, 93 
Granaries, 22, 41 
Guichardus, 100 

Halicamassos, 15, 17, 24, 30, 56, 88, 


Ilarun-ar-Rashid, 3 
Heraclios, 2 




Heresies, 65, 71, 73 
Horses, 22, 57 
Hospital, 40, 41 

Isaurians, i 

Islands held by the Knights, 11,12 

Jem, 21, 22, 42, 76, 99 

Jerusalem, 5, 14, 69 

Jewry, 19, 54, 77 

Jews, 42, 54, 55, 79 

John Baptist, head of, 70 ; hand of, 
74 — 76, 89, 99 ; church of, 25, 29, 
3i» 32, 38, 41. 7i» 76. 77. 81; gate 
of, 39 

Knights Hospitallers, 57 — 59 

Law, 3, 4, 51, 97; Rhodian naval, 94 

Legends, 91 — 94, 99 
Lindos, 8, 17, 24, 30, 45, 46, 57, 68, 78, 

Linen, 48 
Mandraki, 43 

Metropolitan bishops, 30, 42, 66 — 68, 

70—74, 104 
Mining, 25 — 27 
Miracles, 64, 68, 75, 78 
Money, 47, 89, 90 
Money-lending, 47. 5i. 53» 54 
Monks, 65, 69, 71 
Monolithos, 17, 24, 30, 46, 85 
Montpellier, 49, 50 
Muawiyeh, r, 79, 80, 83 
Muhammad, Sultan, 15, 16, 21, 99 
Mules, 57 

Narbonne, 49, 50 

Nations of Knights, 23, 58, 59 

Nicsea, 4, 7, 9, 66, 67 

Pawnbroking, 53, 54 
Persians, i, 85 

Peruzzi, 10, 47, 48, 49, 52, loi 
Pheraclos, 11, 17, 24, 30, 44, 61 

Phileremos, 8, 11, 29, 46, 47, 69, 76, 

77, 91, 92, 94 
Pisans, 5, 6, 53 
Piracy, 16, 49, 51—53. 56, 59 
Plates, 84—87 
Poetry, 84, 102 — 104 
Powder, 22, 57, 62, 63 
Province of the Islands, 3, 4 
Province of Rhodes, Ecclesiastical, 66, 70 

Ragusa, 53, 71 
Relics, 69, 74—7 7 
Revenue, 47, 56 

Sailors, 56, 57 
Ships, 56 

Slavery, 16, 22, 23, 50, 52, 55, 56,62 

Soap, 48, 50 

Spies, 60 — 63 

Square, the, 42, 76 

Statutes, 97, 98 

Syria, 2, 14, 33, 53, 85 

Sugar, 44, 51 

Sulaiman, Sultan, 22, 25 — 34, 43, 101 

Theme, Cibyrrhaeot, 4 
Tiles, 84—87 
Town, 40—42 
Trade, 47— 53» 59 
Traitors, 60 — 63 

Treaties, 7, 8, 10, 13, 14, 22, 30, 31, 97 
Turcopolier, 44, 102, 103 
Turcopoloe, 102 

Turks, Seljtik, 4, 10—13, 15, 59, 89 ; 
Ottoman, 15—34, 43, 52, 53> 55 

Venetians, 5 — 8, 12 — 16, 23, 42, 47, 49, 

• 51—53, 57. 89, 97, 102 
Vignoli, Vignolo de', 9, 10, 45, 51, 97 
Villages in Rhodes, 43 — 47 
Villa Nova, 16, 24, 46, 48 
Villaret, Fulk de, 10 — 12, 57 

Ware, Rhodian, 84—87 
Weights and Measures, 47, 48 
Windmills, 22, 28, 37, 38, 42, 57 
Wine, 23, 41, 48, 50 


By the sa^ne Author. 

RHODES IN ANCIENT TIMES. With six plates. 

Demy 8vo. lo^. ()d. 

Opinions of the Press. 

" By far the most complete collection of all that relates to the ancient condition 
of the island, as well as its history and antiquities, will be found in a treatise by Mr 
Cecil Torr." — Encyclopcedia Britannica^ ninth edition, article on Rhodes, 

"Before this book appeared Rhodes was almost in the happy or unhappy 
position of having no historian. — Besides illustrating the remains anew by the light 
of the latest antiquarian knowledge, Mr Torr has stripped the ancient writers of 
every shred of information relating to Rhodes. Surprising as it may seem, the 
result is entertaining. This is due to the happy faculty of quaint narration 
possessed by the author. A heavy hand would have crushed the slender materials 
which exist for anything like a connected account of Rhodes. — Rhodian com- 
mercial supremacy, Rhodian seamen, singers, orators, artists, and gourmets^ are 
all duly celebrated in turn, after a method none the less entertaining that the 
traditional arrangement adopted by antiquaries is thrown overboard, perhaps owing 
to some mysterious influence of the lex Rhodia de jactu. Mr Torr seems to have 
consulted all his authorities at first hand." — Times. 

"For this task a direct knowledge of the island, a familiarity with its artistic 
remains, and an acquaintance with the latest results of epigraphy were necessary 
qualifications. Mr Cecil Torr has added to these qualifications a rigorous spirit 
of challenging every statement handed down by ancient writers that bears on 
his subject. — As regards the art of Rhodes, he has placed archaologists under a 
distinct obligation, not only by being the first to characterise clearly and compre- 
hensively its course and development, but by the number of new illustrations of 
it which he furnishes in his plates." — Academy. 

"Mr Torr deserves the best thanks of the student of Hellenic history and art 
for collecting into this one small volume information concerning Rhodes which has 
only as yet appeared in a hopelessly scattered form, in German, French, and 
English archaeological journals and works, in volumes of inscriptions, and in 
records of travel, and which, when put together in a readable form, teaches us to 
realize how important was the part which Rhodes once played in the world's 
history. ' ' — A ihenaeum. 

" This is one of those thorough and exhaustive monographs on classical archaeology 
in which we English are too poor. In arrangement, in thoroughness, and to some 
extent in style it may be compared to some of those great county histories which are 


60 indispensable to the student of our own native antiquities. Mr Torr has divided 
his work into chapters, the various headings of which speak for themselves. At 
many points their subjects of course overlap, but Mr Torr avoids confusion and 
repetition with skill ; his style is simple and direct ; and his treatise accordingly 
easy to read and difficult to lay down. His best chapter perhaps is that on the 
Rhodian gods." — Guardian. 

"Mr Torr's monograph on Rhodes is a more or less exhaustive compilation 
of facts from all sources relating to the history of this island, down to the time 
when Vespasian finally deprived it of independence and made it a Roman province. 
The history of Rhodes during this period is interesting and instructive from several 
points of view. — Mr Torr devotes two interesting chapters to art and learning at 
Rhodes." — Saturday Review. 

" Mr Torr has carefully collected all that is known of ancient Rhodes : and our 
knowledge has been materially increased of late. — The ancient history of the island 
is full of interest. — About religion, art, architecture, &c., there is much to be said, 
and Mr Torr has taken much pains to say it completely." — Spectator. 

"Mr Torr has an interesting subject, and he deals with it well. — He is 
familiar with every detail concerning Rhodes and the Rhodians which can be 
found in ancient literature, from the number of their ships in Homer's catalogue 
down to the vague scraps offered us in very corrupt disguise by the Alexan- 
drian scholiasts and lexicographers. — The book is full of facts and almost every 
sentence has its reference at the foot of the page. But it is by no means dull 
reading, as the writer often interfuses some statement or remark which appeals to 
the sense of humour. He tells a story well." — Cambridge Review. 

"The work is worth study for itself irrespective of the fact that it is so far the 
only complete resw?ie o{ recent research into the subject." — Indiaji Antiquary. 

"Many of the topics are replete with interest to every classical scholar. For 
full information on these, we need only refer readers to Mr Torr's very complete 
and exhaustive monograph." — Allen's Indian Mail. 

"Voici un volume tres remarquable, ecrit par M. Cecil Torr. II s'agit de 
rile de Rhodes. — Tous ces points, que je me borne a indiquer, sont traites avec 
soin par M. Torr." — Revue des Questions Historiques. 

" Eine recht fleissige Monographic Uber die Insel Rhodes, bei der die in den 
Ausgrabungen zu Tage gekommenen kunstarchaologischen Fundstiicke sowohl 
wie die massenhaften Inschriften verarbeitet worden sind ; in der neueren Litte- 
ralur ist Torr gut bewandert, wenngleich er seine Citate meist auf die Inschriften- 
belege beschrankt hat." — Berliner Fhilologische WochenschHft. 


CAMBRIDGE Ax\D ETON, by the late Robert Willis, M.A. 
F.R.S., Jacksonian Professor in the University of Cambridge. Edited 
with large Additions and brought up to the present time by JOHN 
Willis Clark, M.A., formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Cam- 
bridge. Four Vols. Super Royal 8vo. £6. 6s. 

Also a limited Edition of the same, consisting of 120 numbered 
Copies only, large paper Quarto ; the woodcuts and steel engravings 
mounted on India paper ; price Twenty-five Guineas net each set. 

"The book consists of three handsome partially carried out, and which the long and 

volumes of letterpress, admirably printed on 
good paper, with wide margins and rough 
edges, together with a thin volume of plans. 
The letterpress is well illustrated with re- 
productions of old prints by Loggan and 
others, with new views by Mr J. O'Connor, 
and with measured drawings and details made 
expressly for this work. Plans are given of 
all the colleges, and often more than one, 
showing the original state of the site and then 
the buildings subsequently erected on it. In 
these cases an ingenious device has been re- 
sorted to — the earlier plan is printed on paper, 
the latter on transparent linen over it, so that 
it is easy to follow the changes from one to 
the other . . . The whole work has been done 
in such a thorough and painstaking manner as 
to render it a most valuable record of the 
architectural history of Cambridge and a 
fitting memorial to the peculiar genius of Pro- 
fessor Willis." — Tzjnes. 

" The most cold-blooded critic could hardly 
refrain from enthusiasm in touching on a sub- 
ject of such interest as this, or on a work so 
worthy of the subject as that which the genius 
and energy of Professor Willis projected and 

STEIN, M.A., Phil. D., Reader 
University of Cambridge. Royal 
16 Plates. Buckram, 30J. 

" I acknowledge expressly the warm enthu- 
siasm for ideal art which pervades the whole 
volume, and the sharp eye Dr Waldstein has 
proved himself to possess in his special line of 
study, namely, stylistic analysis, which has led 
him to several happy and important discoveries. 
His book will be universally welcomed as a 

conscientious labour of his legatee, Mr Clark, 
has elaborated into the splendid book now 
before the public. We commend to the reader's 
attention the long, interesting, and largely 
illustrated chapter on that fascinating subject, 
' the Library.'" — T/ze Bznlder. 

" This long looked for history has at length 
appeared m four sumptuous volumes rendered 
doubly attractive by the complete sets of maps 
and admirable illustrations which enrich the 
text. The Syndics of the Cambridge Univer- 
sity Press, have with great public spirit sanc- 
tioned the printing of the work at their Press, 
and have published with unbounded liberality 
the most important addition to archaeological 
literature which this generation has seen .... 
In a brief notice like this it is difficult to do 
more than hint at the various stores of infor- 
mation which these delightful volumes contain. 
The history is no doubt mainly an architectural 
one, but at the same time it is an essay on the 
social life of the middle ages, full of attraction 
for that class of archaeological students who 
are not wedded to the exclusive departments 
of masonry and woodwork." — Archaeological 

PHEIDIAS. By C. Wald- 
in Classical Archeology in the 
8vo. With numerous Illustrations. 

very valuable contribution towards a more 
thorough knowledge of the style of Pheidias." — 
The Acadevty. 

" ' Essays on the Art of Pheidias' form an 
extremely valuable and important piece of 
work. . . . Taking it for the illustrations alone, 
it is an exceedingly fascinating book." — Times. 

London : C. y. Cla v Sons, Cambridge University Press Warehouse, 
Ave Maria Lane. 


BRITAIN, by Prof. Adolf Michaelis. Translated by C. A. M. 
Fennell, Litt. D., late Fellow of Jesus College. Royal 8vo. Rox- 
burgh (Morocco back), £2. 2s. 

"The object of the present work of Mich- 
aelis is to describe and make known the vast 
treasures of ancient sculpture now accumulated 
in the galleries of Great Britain, the extent and 
value of which are scarcely appreciated, and 
chiefly so because there has hitherto been little 
accessible information about them. To the 
loving: labours of a learned German the owners 
of art treasures in England are for the second 
time indebted for a full description of their rich 
possessions. Waagen gave to the private col- 
lections of pictures the advantage of his in- 
spection and cultivated acquaintance with art, 
and now iMichaelis performs the same office 
for the still less known private hoards of an- 
tique sculptures for which our country is so 

remarkable. The book is beautifully executed, 
and with its few handsome plates, and excel- 
lent indexes, does much credit to the Cam- 
bridge Press. It has not been printed in 
German, but appears for the first time in the 
English translation. All lovers of true art and 
of good work should be grateful to the Syndics 
of the University Press for the liberal facilities 
afforded by them towards the production of 
this important volume by Professor Michaelis." 
— Saturday Review. 

" Professor Michaelis has achieved so high 
a fame as an authority in classical archaeology 
that it seems unnecessary to say how good 
a book this is."— The Aiitiqziary. 


Litt. D., F.S.A., Disney Professor of Archaeology. With 16 Autotype 
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Impl. 4to. Cloth extra, £1. i is. 6d.; Roxburgh (Morocco back), £2. 2s. 

"Professor Gardner's book is written with is less purely and drjdy scientific. Neverthe- 

such lucidity and in a manner so straightfor- 
ward that it may well win converts, and it may 
be distinctly recommended to that omnivorous 
class of readers — 'men in the schools'." — Sa- 
turday Review. 

' • ' The Types of Greek Coins ' is a work which 

less, it takes high rank as proceeding upon a 
truly scientific basis at the same time that it 
treats the subject of numisrnatics in an attrac- 
tive style and is elegant enough to justify its ap- 
pearance in the drawing-room." — Athencpum. 


Critical Notes, and Archseological Illustrations, by J. E. SANDYS, 
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" Of the present edition of the Bacchce by Mr 
Sandys we may safely say that never before has 
a Greek play, in England at least, had fuller 
justice done to its criticism, interpretation, 
and archaeological illustration, whether for the 
young student or the more advanced scholar. 
The Cambridge Public Orator may be said to 
have taken the lead in issuing a complete edi- 
tion of a Greek play, which is destined perhaps 
to gain redoubled favour now that the study of 
ancient monuments has been applied to its il- 
lustration." — Satzirday Reviezu. 

"The volume is interspersed with well- 
executed woodcuts, and its general attractive- 
ness of form reflects great credit on the Uni- 
versity Press. In the notes Mr Sandys has more 
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by W. Robertson Smith, M.A., LL.D., Fellow of Christ's College 
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" It would be superfluous to praise a book 
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early history can afford to be without Kijiship 
in Early Arabia." — Nature. 

" It is clearly and vividly written, full of 
curious and picturesque material, and incident- 

able advance in freedom and lightness of style. 
. . . Under such circumstances it is superfluous 
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vanced students this handsome edition far sur- 
passes all its predecessors." — Athencetcjn. 

" It has not, like so many such books, been 
hastily produced to meet the momentary need 
of some particular examination ; but it has em- 
ployed for some years the labour and thought 
of a highly finished scholar, whose aim seems 
to have been that his book should go forth totus 
teres atqjce rotundus, armed at all points wiih 
all that may throw light upon its subject. The 
result is a work which will not only assist the 
schoolboy or undergraduate in his tasks, but 
will adorn the library of the scholar." — The 

ally throws light, not merely on the social 
history of Arabia, but on the earlier passages 
of Old Testament history .... We must be 
grateful to him for so valuable a contribution 
to the early history of social organisation.'* — 

London : C. J. Cla v SOiVS, Cambridge University Press Warehouse^ 
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M.A., Regius Professor of Modern History in the University of 
Cambridge, with Portraits and Maps. 3 Vols. Demy 8vo. 30J-. 

are apt to shiink." — Tvnes. 

" Dr Busch's volume has made people think 
and talk even more than usual of Prince Bis- 
marck, and Professor Seeley's very learned work 
on Stein will turn attention to an earlier and an 
almost equally eminent German statesman. It 
has been the good fortune of Prince Bismarck 
to help to raise Prussia to a position which she 
had never before attained, and to complete the 
work of German unification. The frustrated 
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very great, and well worthy to be taken into 
account. He was one, perhaps the chief, of 
the illustrious group of strangers who came to 
the rescue of Prussia in her darkest hour, about 
the time of the inglorious Peace of Tilsit, and 
who laboured to put life and order into her 
dispirited army, her impoverished finances, and 
her inefficient Civil Service. Stein strove, too, 
— no man more, — for the cause of unification 
when it seemed almost folly to hope for suc- 
cess. Englishmen will feel very pardonable 
pride at seeing one of their countr^^men under- 
take to write the history of a period from the 
investigation of which even laborious Germans 

In a notice of this kind scant justice can 
be done to a work like the one before us ; no 
short rcsznne can give even the most meagre 
notion of the contents of these volumes, which 
contain no page that is superfluous, and none 
that is uninteresting .... To understand the 
Germany of to-day one must study the Ger- 
many of many yesterdays, and now that study 
has been made easy by this work, to which no 
one can hesitate to assign a very high place 
among those recent histories which have aimed 
at original research." — Athence7mi. 

"We congratulate Cambridge and her Pro- 
fessor of History on the appearance of such a 
noteworthy production. And we may add that 
it is something upon which we may congra- 
tulate England that on the especial field of the 
Germans, history, on the history of their own 
country, by the use of their own literary 
weapons, an Englishman has produced a his- 
tory of Germany in the Napoleonic age far 
superior to any that exists in German. 

SCHOLAE ACADEMICAE: some Account of the Studies 
at the English Universities in the Eighteenth Century. By Chris- 
topher Wordsworth, M.A., Fellow of Peterhouse. Demy 8vo. 
\os. 6d. 

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quantity of minute and curious information 
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ference, and as such it will be of permanent 
value for the historical knowledge of English 

education and learning." — Saturday Review. 

" Of the whole volume it may be said that 
it is a genuine service rendered to the study 
of University history, and that the habits of 
thought of any writer educated at either seat of 
learning in the last century will, in many cases, 
be far better understood after a consideration 
of the materials here collected." — Academy. 

1535? by J. B. Mullinger, M.A., Lecturer on History and Librarian 
to St John's College. Part I. Demy 8vo. (734 pp.), \i5. 

Part II. From the Royal Injunctions of 1535 to the Accession of 

Charles the First. Demy 8vo. i8j-. 

"That Mr Mullinger's work should admit 
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in which character it has no predecessors 
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even so valuable as Cooper's, as well as over 
A tlienae." — Prof. A. W. Ward in the Acadejny. 

"Mr Mullinger's narrative omits nothing 
which is required by the fullest interpretation 
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University, its connection with national pro- 
blems, its studies, its social life, and the 
activity of its leading members. All this he 
combines in a form which is eminently read- 
able."— Prof. Creighton in Co7it. Review. 

"Mr Mullinger has succeeded perfectly in 
presenting the earnest and thoughtful student 
with a thorough and trustworthy histor>'." — 


"The entire work is a model of accurate 
and industrious scholarship. The same quali- 
ties that distinguished the earlier volume are 
again visible, and the whole is still conspi- 
cuous for minuteness and fidelity of workman- 
ship and breadth and toleration of view." — 
Notes and Queries. 

"Mr Mullinger displays an admirable 
thoroughness in his work. Nothing could be 
more exhaustive and conscientious than his 
method : and his style. picturesque and 
elevated." — Times. 

London : C. J. Cla y ^ Sons, Ca7nbridge University Press Warehouse^ 
Ave Maria Lafie. 



the causes and phenomena of the rise of Classical Poetry in England. 
By Edmund Gosse, M.A., Clark Lecturer in English Literature at 
Trinity College, Cambridge. Crown 8vo. 6j'. 

SANCE. An Introductory Essay. By A. A. Tilley, M.A., Fellow 
and Tutor of King's College, Cambridge. Crown 8vo. 6^-. 

bassador at the court of Versailles from June 1790 to August 1792, 
to which are added the Despatches of Mr Lindsay and Mr Munro, 
and the Diary of Lord Palmerston in France during July and 
August 1791. Edited by Oscar Browning, M.A., Fellow of King's 
College, Cambridge. Demy 8vo. i^s. 

With six plates. Demy Bvo. ioj-. 6^. 

CENTURY. By C. H. Herford, M.A. Crown Bvo. ()s. 

Part I. The Archaic Inscriptions and the Greek Alphabet by E. S. 
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Demy 8vo. \Zs. 

SOPHOCLES: The Plays and Fragments, with Critical 
Notes, Commentary, and Translation in English Prose, by R. C. 
JEBB, Litt.D., LL.D., Professor of Greek in the University of Glasgow. 

Part I. Oedipus Tyrannus. Demy 8vo. New Edition^ In the Press, 

Part II. Oedipus Coloneus. Demy 8vo. i2j. (id. 

Part III. The Antigone. \_In the Press. 

"Of his explanatory and critical notes we "An edition which marks a definite ad- 

can only speak with admiration. Thorough vance, which is whole in itself, and brings a 
scholarship combines with taste, erudition, and mass of solid and well-wrought material such 
boundless industry to make this first volume a as future constructors will desire to adapt, is 
pattern of editing. The work is made com- definitive in the only applicable sense of the 
plete by a prose translation, upon pages alter- term, and such is the edition of Professor Jebb. 
nating with the text, of which we may say No man is better fitted to express in relation to 
shortly that it displays sound judgment and Sophocles the mind of the present generation." 
taste, without sacrificing precision to poetry of — The Saturday Review. 
expression." — The Times. 

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Torr, Cecil 

Rhodes in modern times